"The Time of Sadness and the Birth of the Nation: Why Russia celebrates the Day of Unity" all 4 November The main national vacation of modern Russia replaced the largest vacation in the russian calendar"

The End of the Dynasty

The early 17th century is known in Russia's past as "The Time of Sadness" or "Sadness". After the death of Tsar Ivan IV, known as Ivan the Terrible, in 1584 the country slow plunged into a deep political crisis. The fresh ruler, his boy Fyodor I, was not curious in politics, and his court became the site of intrigues and plots competing clans of high-ranking officials.

Fyodor I ruled for a full of 14 years and it was a comparatively quiet period until his death in 1598, which created the problem of succession due to the fact that he left no successors to the throne. Boris Godunov, erstwhile a trustee of Ivan the Terrible and brother of Fyodor's beloved wife, managed to consolidate in his hands a large part of power and held power as a real regent for at least 15 years. The only legal contender to the throne would be Fyodor's brother, Dmitri, the youngest boy of Ivan the Terrible and his last wife. Dmitri, however, died as a kid under mysterious circumstances. Many believed that Godunov had something to do with his death, as Dmitri was the last heir to the Ruricovich dynasty.

Godunov was indeed a man many thought could remove those who stood in his way. any of his opponents were reportedly killed in hunting accidents or due to abrupt illness. In the absence of hard facts, all these reports stay conspiracy theories; nevertheless, they became part of the Russian legend, and many historical and cultural references, which are part of the nation's heritage, link Boris Godunov to the death of Carevich Dmitri.

The last Rurykovichs: Ivan the Terrible; Fiodor I Ivanovich; Carevich Dmitri. © Wikipedia

The death of Tsar Fyodor so marked the end of the Rurykovich dynasty, which ruled Russia since its inception in the 9th century. Godunov, though a powerful contender, was not popular due to the fact that he was not of noble descent. The Moscow nobility looked down on him, but nothing stopped Godunov from manipulating the Earth Council (national assembly) to elect him as Tsar in 1598.

The fact was, Godunov had all propensity to become a large Tsar. He was ambitious, had quite a few energy and imagined quite a few reforms for Russia. He could have been a Tsar-reformer, a ruler specified as Peter the large was almost a 100 years later; but, as usual, only time mattered.

In 1600, there was an event about which neither Godunov nor anyone else in Russia had any thought and which had long-term, damaging consequences. The massive eruption of the volcano in Peru caused volcanic winters and led to global hunger. In France, the grape harvest delayed, but Russia, a country with a much lower level of frost, suffered much more. mediocre yields in 1601, and 1602, led to hunger, which intensified even more in 1603 because, despite the weather returning to normal, the fields were empty and lacked people to work.

Boris Godunov did what he could to aid a starving nation and a dying economy, first selling grain from state granaries for half the price, and then handing out grain and money to the mediocre until the vault ran out, but it wasn't enough. Many peasants were forced to flee to large cities specified as Moscow, or south, risking their lives, as roads swarmed with robbers and even cannibals.

Parsoon with the image of Boris Godunov, late 17th century. © A. S. Pushkin State Museum-Reserve "Michaelovsky", Russia.

Rumors spread that hunger might have been related to the earlier participation of the Tsar in the death of the rightful successor of the throne, Tsarovich Dmitri, and that hungry people were willing to believe in all explanation, even if it was far from the truth, due to the fact that the thought of sin and vengeance was something that average people could identify with.

Fall and anarchy

A young conspirator and opportunist, Dmitri Self-appointed I, besides called Pseudo-Dmitry I, 1 of the most prominent figures in Russia's history, did not hesitate to usage rumors.

The personality of this contender to the Russian throne is inactive controversial.

Here's a fewer known facts. As a young man, he came to know himself in the Republic of Poland, in the areas of present-day Ukraine, which then belonged to Poland. This man knew the court kind of life and was certain – possibly honestly – that he was Tsarevich Dmitri and miraculously survived the assassination of Godunov and his agents. He claimed to be the rightful successor of the Russian throne and managed to safe the support of a group of Polish platoons. Poles had in head a plan erstwhile they agreed to aid the “pretendent” – they wanted to bring Pseudo-Dymitra to power and expected him to repay them later. The King of Poland besides saw a chance to conquer Russian lands. The first war expedition of Dmitri Samozwaniec against Moscow was doomed to defeat, and the Russian troops defeated his humble forces. But that didn't halt him. As chaos grew in Russia’s saddened state, the number of supporters of the “real Tsar” grew. In 1605, in the midst of interior political shocks in Russia, Godunov suffered a stroke and died at the age of 53. Unfettered Dmitri Self-proclaimed entered Moscow.

However, the "Pretent" did not regulation for long. Regardless of his actual origin, he was completely alien in Moscow, not knowing the country, people, traditions, or elites. He was most likely a talented and prominent man, but at the same time incapable to regulation a vast country daily. As a result, there was a conspiracy among the militants against Dmitri the same - Proclaimed, whom he could not detect. He died at the end of his first year of reign.

Portrait of Dmitri Samozwanci I. © State Historical Museum, Russia.

After the death of the “pretendent”, the country sank into anarchy. Inventor of the plot, Vasily Shujski, was only good at fighting for power at any cost and most likely had no another talents. Therefore, erstwhile he took the throne, he did not even have the feeble and shaky authority that Pseudo-Dmitry and Boris Godunov might have. A wave of peasant uprisings swept across the country. Another Dmitri Samowanec tried to take over the throne. Although almost no 1 believed in him as a legitimate successor, he surrounded himself with a bunch of supporters, coming mainly from the lowest social strata – bandits, robbers, mercenaries, bandits, etc., who followed him, lured by the promise of easy prey, and possibly even a more respected social position.

It was in this context that the large intervention of Polish troops under King Sigismund III Vasa began. Poles were trapped in the siege of Smolensk, a strategically crucial city on the border between Russia and Poland. However, in the decisive conflict of Kłuszyn, the Russian army suffered a full defeat. Then a militant convention in Moscow, made up of the 7 most powerful people in court, made another coup. Shusky was overthrown, and Władysław, the boy of the Polish king, was declared the Tsar of Russia. Moscow was given to Poles without a fight to avoid taking the city by supporters of Dmitri Samozwaniec II, which the militants feared most. Shusky was virtually thrown from the fortress and incorporated into the order. He was later taken to Poland, where he was met with many humiliations and humiliations, and then died.

Polish troops controlled Moscow, but not Russia. In addition, the vast territory of the country, plunged in chaos and anarchy, was hard to call a country. Russia was flooded with various groups of mercenaries from Poland, Sweden, as well as local fighters, while Polish commandant Kremla, Aleksander Gosiewski, had Moscow militias wrapped around his finger. The word “governments of 7 boyars” is inactive utilized in Russia to describe an ineffective, profoundly corrupt and incompetent government.

Moscow was on the verge of starvation. The government held any control over the capital, while anarchy prevailed in all another region outside Moscow. abroad mercenaries dug up on the Kremlin. It was something Russia had never experienced before.

Jan Matejko "The Prince of Shuss before King Sigismund III", 1892. © Jan Matejka home Museum, Poland.

Resistance

During this time, the Patriarch Hermogenes' character unexpectedly gained importance in Moscow. The old priest proved to be a capable political writer. He published and distributed pamphlets calling on people to emergence against invaders, crowning the Tsar of Russia and rebuilding the country. Poles did not dare immediately kill an authoritative priest, so Hermogenes continued inciting social unrest. Any effort to endanger or persuade him was met with contemptible silence or curses.

Russia's first possible savior was Prokopiy Lapunov, a military commander who did not deficiency leadership features. He began creating a militia, bringing together provincial soldiers who lost command but inactive wanted to fight for the country.

Polish troops in Moscow were rapidly dissolved. Soldiers have always been soldiers. The mercenaries were not paid in time, but were accustomed to it, and Moscow's riches were at their disposal. Soldiers regularly got into fights with the local population. For fun, a Pole could cut an unfortunate Russian into pieces; another time hajduk could get drunk and vanish until a week later he was found in the Moscow River, partially eaten by raki.

It ended as expected. In March 1611 Moscow united in a fierce uprising against Poles. Years of civilian war left immense supplies of weapons in town. The conflict between Polish soldiers and the local population led to a fight that got worse erstwhile participants grabbed the wooden yoke and swords, and ended in a full fight. The rebels formed troops and there were so many of them that Poles had to retreat to the city center.

Gosiewski then issued an order to set fire to Moscow.

The spring was highly humid, and the fire did not spread very well, even though most of the buildings were wooden. The mercenaries even thought Moscow was under any spell. Eventually, however, they succeeded, and residents had to disperse to save their homes from fire. The city turned into semi-ruined chaos, and the barricades, which were rapidly erected on the streets, prevented Moscow from crossing.

Street fights broke out all over town. Polish and Russian soldiers raced each another across the street maze, and bandits robbed everything they could find. At the time, Moscow resembled Aleppo from the fresh civilian war in Syria.

When the Labunov militia arrived, she tried to free the city, but failed to defeat Poles. Maintaining discipline among diverse troops, consisting of erstwhile soldiers, The Cossacks and the city rebels, proved to be a challenge for Lapunov. The city's penetration itself was a military operation, due to the fact that narrow streets were full of unpredictable dangers and fresh fights broke out all step of the way. Both sides suffered from deficiency of supplies. At 1 point the Russians and Poles had to bring salt from the same merchant composition, which was in the neutral zone. Poles were isolated in the center of Moscow, but the question was: who will last longer?

Paweł Czistyakow "Patriarcha Hermogenes refusing to bless Poles", 1860. © Museum of discipline and investigation of the Russian Academy of Fine Arts.

Prokopi Lapunow tried to keep order among his soldiers. 1 of his actions was to halt the Cossacks, who were completely out of control, from looting. As expected, his relation with Cossack commanders was strained. Lapunow and military commander Ivan Rżewski went to Kozak commander Ivan Zarucki to effort to work out an action plan. However, the conversation failed, the situation rapidly ignited, and 1 of the Cossacks attacked Lapunov with a saber. Rzewski died too.

That's how the first militia lost its commanders. Many of the nobles who were its backbone gave up it – many of them just returned home. Only part of the units remained in Moscow and the vicinity – Cossacks, part of the “shooters” (half-regular infantry) and the nobility cavalry. Poles failed to break up this militia, but inactive managed to deliver convoys with food to the Kremlin and relieve the besieged soldiers with fresh forces.

Kickstarter of the 17th century

The aid was to come from a place far from Moscow.

Kuzma Minn was neither an officer nor a nobleman. He was a wealthy meat dealer in Nizhny Novgorod, located about 400 km east of Moscow and considered the strongest fortress in central Russia. He most likely never dreamed of becoming a war hero, but the course of events made him play a crucial function in forming the second volunteer army that defeated the enemy.

It was even believed that any of the most venerated saints of Russia, specified as Sergius of Radonez, appeared to Minin in their sleep and called on him to take concrete action to guarantee the success of the second opposition campaign. Minn approached this task differently from Lapunow. The second started by recruiting soldiers, but Minin and another active residents of Nizhny Novgorod started with a fundraising. As an experienced and respected merchant, Minin was chosen by his colleagues to oversee the management of public funds donated to make and equip the second folk militia. Minin himself donated much of his individual finances and urged others to do the same.

Unlike Moscow, which was ruthlessly plundered, Nizhny Novgorod continued to have considerable funds and assets at the time, which served the intent very well. According to modern accounts, Minn, supported by the resistance, campaigned to value the property and calculated the "milial tax", that is, the participation of all wealthy citizen in a donation to the case.

A flourishing patriotic movement in Nizhny Novgorod applauded Minin's initiatives. Soon, in consequence to an authoritative letter issued by the Sejm of Nizhny Novgorod, it was joined by another cities, sending funds even from distant places like Siberia. Eventually, the movement managed to rise adequate resources to finance a well-trained and well-managed army.

The hero of his time

Meet Prince Dmitri Pozharski, the second main character of our story. He fought on the streets of Moscow alongside Lapunov, was badly wounded and badly burned in a fire. He was recovering erstwhile Minn visited him and persuaded the fresh army to command.

Pożarski enjoyed the reputation of an excellent warrior and commander, but his main asset were individual and not professional qualities. In the religion of intrigues, intrigues, assassinations and betrayals of the last 12 years, he retained the reputation of an honest man, consistently serving governments considered by the majority to be legal; nor did he have any ties with Poles, Dmitri Samozwant II, or bands roaming the country. It was his immaculate reputation that made him the perfect candidate for commander of the fresh Volunteer Army.

He accepted the offer on 1 condition. He demanded full military control, but at the same time refused to engage in any civilian matter, so Minin became a civilian and political army leader.

Pozharski's decision to share power with the merchant was not characteristic of the nobleman following the Code of Honor and the work before the estate. And yet he was willing to put aside corporate interests for the sake of the venture – what is more, he insisted on it. He needed a good civilian administrator, so the Volunteer Army had 2 commanders. Pozharski as a general and Minin with the peculiar title “Chosen by the People”.

Vasily Sawiński "The Houses of Nizhny Novgorod", 1882. © Krasnodarski Circuit Museum of Art named after F. A. Kujenka, Russia.

Army command reached Hermogenes to get his blessing, and at the last minute. Now they had armed forces, financial reserves, and the support of a celebrated clergyman. The Patriarch died a fewer months later, surviving only long adequate to see the coming victory.

At the beginning of 1612, Russia's west lay in ruins, but from the east the Second Volunteer Army, the army of Minin and Pozharski marched. She set off in the spring.

The March of the Fatherland Deliverers

The volunteer corps grew and people joined its ranks. Among those who joined, there were troops of the army of Dmitri Samozwaniec II (who had already died in an unfortunate accident), tiny groups of mercenaries and soldiers, as well as occasional aristocrats. The voluntary militia was the most democratic army always imagined in Russia. Poles mocked her, ordering Minin to stick to the meat trade. They did not want to see her as a military force to be reckoned with.

If Poles had any thought what was going on, they wouldn't laugh. Discipline in the army overseen by Kuźma Minina was iron and there was no shortage of supplies and military equipment. erstwhile his relatives attempted to avoid a taxation imposed on the citizens to meet the needs of the army, he sent a squad of gunmen to rise money from them. Along the roads, gallows were placed on which marauders and bandits were hanged. This was a bright contrast with the erstwhile period of anarchy, and people were willing to do anything for Minin and Pozharski, who were practically worshiped. erstwhile fresh units joined the volunteer corps, connected with order and discipline, they rapidly adapted and marched. A carefully organized taxation strategy provided Minin adequate money to pay for soldiers. Those who were unhappy and tried to rob their comrades of weapons were sentenced to gallows. Drinking alcohol was besides limited, so militia fighters remained sober.

All of these actions together had a affirmative effect – the volunteer army began to be seen as a serious organization with strict requirements and generous pay. This attracted both soldiers and residents of the city. In addition, the run actively supported the Church. After the death of the patriarch Hermogenes of Moscow, the steward of the Holy Trinity, the Lavr of St. It can be said that Minin, Pożarski and Palicyn formed a kind of triumvirat, as military leaders, civilian leaders and clergymen, representing 3 social layers fighting the Poles. Besides, the Church was an institution highly rich. At a time erstwhile the monarchy was in ruins, the Church could supply both tangible support and leadership to the Russian people. The thought of fighting for Homeland and her religion resonated powerfully in people's hearts. And the concept of Homeland was not romanticist at the time. The Volunteer Army has shown loud and clear that it represents a society where the rich are not afraid of losing their property, and the mediocre do not tremble for their lives.

In April 1612, a large volunteer army was ready and stationed about 250 km from Moscow, in Jarosław, under Prince Pozharski and co-managed by Kuźma Minin. These forces stayed in Jarosław for 4 months, while Minin dealt with various administrative and financial matters, and Pozharski organized volunteers into a united army. They even managed to get respective deserters from the Polish Army to join the resistance, lured by higher earnings.

Mikhail Szkoti “Kuzma Minin and Dmitri Pozharski”, 1850. © State Museum of Art in Nizhny Novgorod, Russia.

As the Second Volunteer Army approached Moscow, it was joined by more soldiers and Cossacks who survived the defeat of the first volunteer army. Overall, however, it was not a very large army, as the country was in mediocre condition and mobilising more than 12,000 people was not possible.

In the meantime, the Hetman of the large Republic of Both Nations, Jan Chodkiewicz, received from the King the task of attacking Moscow. Chodkiewicz was a prominent commander, who had won many crucial victories and was now in command of the dense cavalry, infantry and Cossacks forces, as well as a convoy with food and ammunition, carrying a stash of powder which the army planned to usage to demolish the Kremlin walls.

A Deciding Battle

In early September, there was a decisive battle. It was rather different for those times – in fact it was a constant conflict on the streets of the city. Chodkiewicz brought 400 wagons to the Kremlin.

He was outnumbered. About 12,000 Polish fighters on the battlefield and about 3,000 in the Kremlin faced opposition of about 8,000 militants from the Second Militia and 2,500 soldiers from the First, who stayed away. In the open field, Poles would have the advantage. Their well-trained dense cavalry would just wipe out the Russians. But the Russians knew about it and were preparing to fight in a maze of city streets.

Minin and Pozharski built a solid fortified area within the city.

Poles boldly attacked – both from Moscow and from the Kremlin. However, the militia utilized its advantage highly effectively. Chodkiewicz could not decently usage his cavalry on the streets. The firearm fire was pouring from the attic and gates. Cossacks and gunmen continually arranged ambushes and counterattacks for Polish troops as they crossed the streets.

Poles were excellent soldiers. Despite the deficiency of infantry, they attacked fiercely, inflicting militia losses and attempting to break Russian defensive lines in various places. At 1 point, Awraamy Palicin's beer mill personally stopped the retreating Russian troops with an inspiring speech – and a promise of a raise.

The fight reached its climax erstwhile Poles yet managed to find a weak point in the ranks of the militia and almost penetrate the Kremlin from the south. Everything settled in conflict for a tiny fortification south of the main fortress. Although Poles managed to dispel Cossacks from the fort, defeated defenders did not disperse, but hid in close ruins and gorges. Chodkiewicz, reasoning that the task accomplished, led his convoy of wagons through the fort.

It was a large mistake. As shortly as the gates of the fort opened, Cossacks and militia threw themselves into attack from all sides. The Polish supply column was stuck in the streets under continuous fire. The Russian infantry led the fire, while Chodkiewicz's horse, which would without exaggeration slaughter tens of thousands of Russians in an open field, could not maneuver or turn around on the streets of the city.

In past textbooks, Prince Dmitri Pozharski is frequently described patronizingly. He was commended as a good commander, but he never put on a leader capable of reaching for the stars, as any of his contemporaries did. Compared to specified nobles as Gustav Adolf Swedish, Ambrosio di Spinola, or his rival in the conflict of Moscow, hetman Chodkiewicz, ranks far behind, in the second category of commanders.

However, Pozharski virtues as commander were precisely what it takes to win 1 of the most crucial battles in Russia's history. He managed perfectly with regular management – the militia was well nourished, well equipped with weapons and ammunition and a strong discipline. He was endowed with large same - control and common sense, allowing him to keep his cool in both defeat and success. He had a clear tactical head and, unlike many superb geniuses, led his squad not to a beautiful goal or tense breakdown, but to the end of the 60th second of the last minute of the game. And that second came precisely erstwhile Chodkiewicz's battered army came out of Moscow. Genius, who did not give in to emotions, would surely throw himself to catch up with the Poles fleeing the city – and in this way he would exposure his people to a blow from Chodkiewicz's dense cavalry in an open field, which the militia would most likely not survive. Pozerski, however, did not get drunk by triumph and did not give the enemy a chance to reverse the conflict again. destiny made Russia save a professional that day, not a genius.

Although on the Russian side there were instigators who wanted to prosecute Poles and beat them to the ground, Minin and Pozharski decided not to go to a field where Poles would have the advantage. Chodkiewicz remained with part of the cavalry, including with elite husaria, but remained without infantry and supplies.

This has determined the destiny of the battle.

The Polish army turned around and left Moscow.

Ernst Lissner "Poles surrender the Kremlin to Moscow Prince Pozharski in 1612", 1938. © Moscow past Museum, Russia.

Now, Minin and Pozharski are left to win the Kremlin.

The Polish garrison in the Kremlin refused to surrender, but he rapidly ran out of food supplies. They first threw themselves at eating crows, rats and grass, and then on their fallen comrades in the orgy of cannibalism. The Russians then discovered in the Kremlin an absolutely monstrous trophy worthy of horror—a barrel of salted human meat.

Poles long ago drove out all unnecessary, including the families of the Council of Seven. However, the militants themselves remained trapped in the Kremlin and besides starved.

Meanwhile, the Russians were calmly preparing to storm. On November 1, Kitaj-Gorod was captured. Now it's just the Kremlin. The last day Poles put up real opposition was November 4. The Russians conducted negotiations with Poles, setting clear conditions: if Russian fighters are given individual safety guarantees, Poles will be able to surrender unconditionally. Finally, on 5 November an agreement was signed on the surrender of the Polish garrison. On November 6, the remains of the garrison, exhausted to the limits of opportunity, surrendered. For the first time in 2 years, silence fell in Moscow.

The Birth of a Nation

Then more or little formal legal formalities were completed. In 1613, electors from all social strata, including peasants, gathered in Moscow to choose a fresh Tsar. The election was stormy, but yet Michał Romanow became the Tsar. He was not a actual leader, but was chosen as a compromise figure. Anyway, he became the Tsar everyone recognized. The interior turmoil is over.

Despite this, the war with Poles continued, as if in a state of inertia. The Swedes besides invaded Russia and had to be repelled. There were inactive many Atamans and fresh frauds in the country.

However, in 1618 the large Sadness came to an end, albeit for a advanced price. Poland and Sweden broke off large parts of Russia, Smolensk was lost for respective decades and Russia lost access to the sea.

But the country's spine was preserved.

Minin and Pozharski received significant, though not monumental, distinctions. Minn received a knighthood title and earthly broadcasting. He enjoyed the position of trusted Tsar and lived in the royal palace for the remainder of his days. He died of natural death in 1616. Pozharski besides enjoyed the grace of the Tsar and became a boyar, thus forming part of the Russian state. He died in 1642. Both are inactive considered national heroes – 2 key figures in Russia's history. The monument of Minin and Pozharski stands in Red Square.

Alexey Kriszówko "Electure of Michael I Rusi". © Central Naval Museum, Saint Petersburg, Russia.

The triumph of the militia during a time of large sadness was a unique minute in Russia's history. Traditionally, Russia is seen primarily as a country in which central power exercises indivisibly, pervading everything and everywhere – Russia is simply a tsar, Russia is Moscow. However, in 1612, 1 of the main battles in Russia's past was not won by the state – the state was devastated and central power was completely nullified due to the actions of abroad interveners.

Moscow was devastated, turned into a rubble where soldiers and bandits plundered everything else that was worth looting. The revival of Russia was not thanks to the state, but thanks to its society, and – as if this communicative was written by the novelist – the rescuers' squad seemed to be specially chosen from people of a completely different origin and personalities – it was a military, provincial merchant and clergyman. triumph on the streets of Moscow and the election of the first Tsar of the Romanov dynasty meant not only a change in military destiny and replacing 1 monarch by another.

Amongst this fire and smoke, the Russian people entered the scene of history.