Hello, fellow nationalists, young in spirit! Before we get to the point, we request to clarify the investigation subject of this paper.
Jędrzej Gierty is simply a national with a résumé widely known, but I will outline the most crucial points for us. The student – as he himself wrote – from “the Roman Dmowski School of Thinking”. Not being an epigon, he did not make his own political thought, but he assessed the reality of the “cold war” with national intellect and instinct. So what was this school? This is sovereignty from external enemies (our national decision-making center chooses which countries are hostile and which friendly) and from interior enemies, or global masonry and global Jewry.
And these elections remained faithful both in the 1930s erstwhile the "radical" nationalists sought an agreement with the Sanction Camp—as we know—submitted with alien influences, as well as on emigration. Detached in 1961 from the National organization by Tadeusz Bielecki, distanced to the “Polish Thought” in charge of Antoni Dargas and Wojciech Wasiutyński, he followed his own political path. And as if to confirm the election of Giertych Wasiutyński, pre-war anti-semite, a judaic national, a prolific emigrator, has since 1979 supported the Youth Movement of Poland Alexander Hall "KOR-owska building", as the National Independent Political Group wrote. surviving in an Anglo-Saxon country specified as the United Kingdom forced Jędrzej Giertych to usage diplomatic neologism “forces established” as a synonym for masonry, but this did not change the fundamental fact of antisystemism in the Western planet of the protagonist of our paper. This attitude was respectful and a affirmative example.
Who were the young people?
Further clarification: who were these “young people”? The Polish People's Republic, a state ruled by pro-Soviet communists, after the Stalinist extermination of the national camp until 1956, fought against all opposition, breaking it up or infiltration. Thus, only on the basis of the materials of the safety Service can the historian measure how many groups of young nationalists there were, in what years and whether they met at all – despite the tight censorship of the "iron curtain" – the emigrating publicist Giertych" (it seems that there were only 2 young environments: Warsaw's "Za górna" and RN from Sopot). I can only answer for myself – and I represent a generation born in the 1960s – and for older colleagues I met from the 1950s, a full of several.
Now let us examine the problem of the perception of the individual himself. Jędrzej Giertych and his political publicist. To answer that question, you gotta ask the auxiliary question: erstwhile does a reasoning individual become a national?
I stand out 3 ways:
1) Instinctive, natural; first we realize that we are nationalists/nationalists and then we read books.
2. From upbringing, for example family, or awareness by a political mentor. Here is simply a tiny voice: at the age of 17 I hesitated between Piłsudski and Dmowski (and that is 50% of my contribution to political self-awareness), but only reading, lent to me by the mentor of “Polish Politics and the Restoration of the State”, crystallized my choice.
3) 1 can never realize that he is simply a “political” nationalist, but reasoning about Poland's function in the planet is completely nationalistic, and his social, professional, household work is seen in the category of “Polish obligations”. We may be tempted to call ourselves “anonymous nationalists”.
And now we come to the core of the paper. Young Mariusz Urban (He lived from 1951 to 2007) became a nationalist by his own self-awareness as an first anti-communist. Helped to know O. Louis Wiśniewski OP from the pastoral care of Dominicans in Gdańsk and perfect abrasion among Gdańsk youth. And here we should mention the first gathering with Alexander Hall and his colleagues from the 1st advanced School in Gdańsk in October 1971, which will turn into an perfect conflict. Later Urban founded an informal political group with a younger “homo politicalus” from III class I LO, and met in the Dominican pastoral ministry in October 1973. To formally call it the Independent Political Group on 5 January 1978, then converted in 1982 into the National Movement. For reasons of clarity, I call him "from Sopot" or "Moius Urban's National Movement" due to modern politics.
And here we encounter a cognitive problem. The arrest of RN members on 9 June 1983, the removal and demolition of 9 bags of documentation, including a rich correspondence with Jędrzej Gierty (which Urban peculiarly regretted and frequently mentioned) makes unknown erstwhile this correspondence was taken and who initiated it. 1 thing we know for certain is that utilizing the "passport box" in 1981 2 colleagues from NGP, Krzysztof Kaletowski and Viktor Hajduk They visited London, where they worked at the office of the National Party, but besides brought in backpacks the book Jędrzej for the boy of Maciej, that is, from London to Kórnik. Unfortunately, I, as a associate of the RN, have only been a part-time witness since 1982.
In summary, Urban's national and political independency met with the independency of the "outbound" on emigration for radicalism and independency in Gierty's thinking.
The point of convergence was anti-Germanism. While it was easy for the countrymen to specify themselves after the endecc, which was in line with the politics and propaganda of the Polish People's Republic, the anti-communist emigrant in turn had to argue the propaganda of Anglo-Saxon and "cold war", i.e. to argue the politics of the German national Republic. But besides American war plans, which assumed the demolition of Poland in its post-war borders by atomic bombing of strategical bombers. And at that point there was a convergence, due to the fact that the young people in the communist PRL were not "pro-west", but precisely for apparent "anti-west" reasons (they were like Gierty against the liberal and Masonic "free world").
Undoubtedly, the exchange of thoughts was fruitful adequate that Mariusz Urban managed to cleverly (unfortunately, I don't know) put a signed quote by Jędrzej Giertych about the characters from Monte Cassino on the site of the Sopot, a state bookstore at Monte Cassino Street, meaning on the celebrated “Monciak”. I have personally seen the photos that have been sent to England. How long did the quote hang – I do not know, but the cognition of the surname of the emigrant at the time only the safety officers had, and not all of them. As far as safety officers are concerned, they had any kind of fun broadcasting to agents or operational objects code names that someway reflected individual or another features. Jędrzej Gierty had the code name “Jegier” given by SB, indicating an implacable soldier-thinking ancien régime or pre-war alleged fascist and reactionary.
Inspirations
Nationals from both sides of the Cold War Block evidently combined anti-communism, but for apparent reasons otherwise articulated on emigration and in the country (determining cautiously in the PRL as a “non-communist” formation). Undoubtedly, the powerful intellectual support was Jędrzej's historical books, on which my knowing of past developed, as for example – and I will mention only those which I personally read: Polish politics in the past of Europe, Tragism of the destiny of Poland, Heroic Spain, Polish politics in the past of Europe. Olszowski's Politics, At the Sources of the past Disaster of Poland: Jan Amos Komensky, Kulisy of the January Uprising, In the face of the assassination of the Church, Józef Piłsudski 1914–19 t. I, Reflections on the Warszawski conflict of 1920, Polish National Camp. I'll add the episode “The Apocalypse” published by him. And it was these books that were borrowed further, among another things, during my political work in the Urban National Movement, so undoubtedly the perception of political and historical thought was, although under PRL conditions fewer and narrow. Although I heard Jędrzej Giertych sent a publication from London to libraries in the country. I don't know what the consequence was, i.e. whether SB intercepted shipments, but e.g. in the Gdańsk Library of the Polish Academy of Sciences is from catalogued, as many as 27 book items of Gierty's own, 4 items with his preface and published by him.
But the biggest exchange of thought between Gierty and Urban occurred in the issue of KSS KOR Adam Michnik and Jack Kuronia and the KOR-owska "buildings": The Young Poland Movement (which was "endecular" only due to the fact that there was already another competitive political centre, or NGP – that was the opinion of Mariusz Urban). It was against KSS KOR – or judaic exhibition – that they appeared in their publications specified as Jędrzej Giertych on emigration and the Independent Political Group in the country. Additionally, NGP attacked RMP flyers, handed out to workers in front of individual from Gdańsk shipyards. I already mentioned the exchange of correspondence and the sending of materials. For justice, we request to note a voice to the above author Prof. Sławomir Cenckiewicz, who in 1 of the papers wrote that SB was utilizing NGP to fight against RMP, which she considered the biggest threat to the strategy after KSS KOR (it was besides intended to introduce 2 agents into the group, and 1 agent was almost certainly). The tragedy of this full situation will get worse if I mention that the national aid from the National organization of Dargas and Wasiutyński has not been redirected to the Independent Political Group. This, despite warnings from the country, was directed to Hall and his Young Poland Movement. Olek could have truly triumphed erstwhile he took a political walk with Wasiutyński on the beach in Sopot, which recorded – as I say – Video Studio Gdańsk, and aired TVP. The nationalist from emigration supported the fresh liberal system, and the majority of national national nationalists formed the mainstream ZChN. Others assumed with mediocre effect different national national parties.
War State
And this is where we come up with a martial law assessment. Coming from the condemnation of the insurrections by Roman Dmowski and Jędrzej Gierty, and Mariusz Urban feared the usage of Polish society in a bloody uprising against the Soviets, that is, what we already know today, the establishment of a second front for the communist empire fighting in Afghanistan since 1979. In the geopolitical situation at the time, there was no chance to implement the solidarity revolution advocated by KSS KOR. Aversion to communism by any solidarityists or "socialism with a human face" (Marxist revisionism) by another solidarityists did not supply an alibi for the demolition of the nation.
At the time, political elections left their mark in the form of a reprint of an article from the Catholic, traditionalist periodical "Approaches". Polish martial law, published by a large Catholic militant from Scotland, converted Hamish Fraser, in the Tri-city ‘Baltic Journal’, the body of the Provincial Committee of the PZPR. It appeared on 28-30 January 1983 (in the first it was published respective months after the martial law was introduced) and cited all the arguments of nationalists in the country and on the emigration of the Catholic facade of "Solidarity", about a group of political machers Michnik and Kuronia with an emphasis on them not so much Zionism as among nationalists, but trockism. Of course, it is impossible to guess that this phenomenon in the Polish People's Republic was possible thanks to erstwhile contacts and exchange of thoughts on the Gierty-Urban-Fraser line, and was late recalled by Piotr Pętlicki in the Catholic and Traditionalist periodical “Always Faithful”.
While Giertych supported martial law alternatively unconditionally and for rather a long time it was NGP/RN with any reserve, due to ideological exacerbation after 13 December, and made by communist General Wojciech Jaruzelski and a certain – incomprehensible initially for nationalists – inconsistency in combating judaic KSS KOR. In time, we felt that the communists "preserved" the alleged democratic opposition for better times. As it turned out, the collective power of the PZPR Politburo was replaced by a "three" in the composition Wojciech Jaruzelski, Wiesław Górnicki and Jerzy Urban, of which 2 were of judaic descent. The transition to “the another side” of political power, that is, the gathering of the general with David Rockefeller on September 25, 1985 in fresh York City, announced a change of the external sovereign. The Fraternization of Michnik with Jaruzelski is just putting a dot over “i”. Nationals, free from the solidarity myth, considered the solidarity mass to be “Polish, Catholic pits” directed by Jews. Curonia's drafting of electoral letters in the first partially free elections in 4 and 18 June 1989 proved the above thesis.
We and the Church
Finally, I will decision on to ecclesiastical matters, which I see from today's position as very crucial to the later antimodernist attitude. erstwhile I appeared in the community of nationalists in 1982, there was talk about the “novelism” in the Church in Poland, although Urban mentions this subject differently, which I quote: At the first gathering Father Louis lent me the Polish edition of the global magazine “Concilium”, which was devoted to the engagement of the Church in South America. I gave them with a comment that this is an example of the infiltration of the Church by communism. Stefan Wyszynski].
Returning to my memories, just reading In the face of the assassination of the Church (1969), and an article about the assassination of the Church (the "Opoka" no. 14 of June 1977), and another "Opok" helped to realize the crisis in the Church. Here we quote Jędrzej himself: I went to the reunions in Lausanne, which are under the leadership of the people who originated the erstwhile Action Française. (...) I am in close relations with the "Approaches" environment in Scotland and "Keys of St.Peter" in England, as well as with the branching off of these environments in Ireland and the United States. I was in contact with traditionalist environments in Brazil, Argentina, Chile, and I had readings there. I'm part of the Latin Mass Society and I'm in contact with Una Voce in France. Those were his mention points.
Of course, there are wonderful priests here. Michale Poradowski and Józef Warszawski, whose readings were in line with Jędrzej Giertych's writing and which besides reached the country. And in this spirit there was a national-Catholic work among young people both in the 1980s and in the fresh strategy after the transformation in the 1990s. To conclude, I will quote our political enemy, Jack Kuronia, whom I personally listened to at a gathering at Gdynia Shipyard in 1980 (or possibly in 1981), and who later repeated his opinion in a letter to the Ermpian “Bratniak” that NGP did not number as a democratic opposition. Sounds familiar, doesn't it?
Thank you for your attention.
Piotr Błaszkowski
== sync, corrected by elderman ==
A paper delivered at the historical conference "Nationalism Christian by the Way of GYERTYCH" on his 120th birthday (Saturday, January 14, 2023)
In the photo: Jędrzej Gierty carries a coffin with the body of Roman Dmowski (7 January 1939)
Think Poland, No. 45-46 (5-12.11.2023)
