It seems that the biggest Polish serial hit of the end of the year will turn out to be the transmission of the session of the Sejm. The Seym Canal on YouTube now has over 380 1000 subscribers – inactive in mid-October there were their, as They say Virtual Media, only 41.2 1000 – and the last days of the gathering have over a million views. The deliberations began to comment on live influencers so far dealing with everything but politics, people asking their colleagues at work if they had seen the last Sejm and even let it go in the background.
What is behind this phenomenal increase in the popularity of the lower chamber of the Polish Parliament, and how long will it take?
Seismic talent show
As a consequence to the question of the origin of the popularity of the Sejm, 1 name frequently falls: Simona Holowna. The leader of Poland 2050 to direct the proceedings of the Sejm passed almost straight from tv fame and talent-show format, moving much of his old workplace into fresh ones.
Without doubt, the media slamming of Holownia plays an crucial role, which shows at least that conferences of the fresh talker of the Sejm have respective 100 1000 views, and the first episode of his video podcast over 800 thousand.
In a sense, in the way that Holownia conducts the deliberations, you can see the echo of the tv expression talent-show. The real stars of this format are not fighting for the realization of their dreams "talents", but judges. Especially those who are brilliantly able to "extinguish" the claims of fame and careers of those who should never dream that they actually have a chance.
The holovnia, erstwhile it sits a associate of Suski, bends the Law and Justice with its cognition of the rules, the cut reposts to the impertinence of Czarnek or sends the 1 trying to enter Kaczyński's platform into the function of specified a judge. Only in a game of power, not tv fame.
At the same time, it is hard to defy associations with the erstwhile talker of the home of Commons, John Bercow, to see how the Holovnia serves as a marshal. Bercow made his head of the gathering phenomenal performanceThe virals became his exchanges with the MPs. And it should be admitted that despite all the tv experience against the background of Bercov Holovnia seems alternatively pale, from 1 word “order“ Bercow is able to extract much more emotions, performances and content than the Hołownia from many speeches – although he is simply a very good talker for the standards of Polish politics.
The kind in which Holovnia conducts meetings and serves as a marshal has already met with criticism. He's being accused of celebrityism, self-focused, stardom, excessive focus on political performance. Mateusz Morawiecki even recorded a video, where we can see how he pushes distant an icon with virtual popcorn – who erstwhile advised to prepare Holownia – to show that PiS does not deal with political infotaiment, but with a serious policy that solves real problems of Poles. Given that Morawiecki himself is playing an highly unfunny farce called the "Two-week Government", he is on average credible as a voice demanding seriousness in politics.
Parliament as a fresh in episodes
Of course, the celebration of politics and its transformation into a substanceless spectacle are real threats. However, the Sejm did not begin to be a performance in episodes along with the Holovnia, it was always there. Parliament is not only the place where the law is created, but besides the way in which the intertwined disputes are staged in highly theatrical form, based on rituals, forms, rhetorical figures accepted by all parties.
Parliaments become viewed by the electorate as they meet the first mass average – printing. In London, as early as the 1920s, informal accounts of parliamentary debates could be purchased, reconstructing the course of disputes. Parliament tried to halt these publications for more than 2 100 years, declaring them to be a violation of the parliamentary privilege of deputies – the first prohibitions were passed in 1628.
However, as Ian Malcolm says in Jurassic Park: ‘Life always finds a wayIt’s okay. ” The expanding press is looking for loopholes in the law allowing you to circumvent the ban. "Gentlemen's Magazine" in the 1840s prints a series of texts by Samuel Johnson, who, on the basis of memos from the meetings held secretly by the envoys of the magazine, writes a series titled Debates in the Liliput Senate – where actual disputes from parliament are arranged in the form of literary fiction, perfectly understandable to the reader and curious public policy.
The ban ceases to be enforced in the 1970s, and is officially abolished a decade later. Since then, British parliamentary policy has changed into a fresh in episodes – although initially directed to an electorate bound by property census. Its game is shaped by disputes of large leaders abrading on behalf of the parts of society they represent: Pitt of the younger and Charles James Fox in the late 18th century, Disraeli and Gladston in the mature Victorian era, in the 1930s Churchill, alone struggling with a political class leading a policy of apeasment towards Hitler.
This series moves from print to another media: radio, television, internet. The way the debate is organised in the home of Commons makes it peculiarly friendly for net and tv viewers. The Polish Sejm, even through its own spatial system, encourages the presentation of monologues, which, given the very average rhetorical skills of the Polish political class, makes it mostly rather hard to watch.
W The home of Commons sit other each other, talk face to face, debate is more dynamic and based on an authentic interaction. There are questions to the Prime Minister (PMQ) during the session of Parliament all Wednesday at noon, where the Head of Government answers the questions of Members. No, as is frequently the case in our parliament, on the rule of "we collect questions from the Chamber until everyone forgets what they actually asked and then the responsive says what they want", but in the form of a question-answer. What makes PMQ an attractive global format, building the world's scope of British culture like BBC tv series or popular music.
This show had good episodes before.
Polish SejmNot only through the language barrier, it will never become a akin phenomenon. But besides our seismic show had at least good episodes in its history. In the First Parliament of the word (1991–1993) we had a double thriller: first with the collapse of the Olszewski government and then Suchocka. In both political horrors it mixed with farce – due to the fact that Macerewicz's list simultaneously threw accusations threatening civilian death outside of any regulation of law and decency, and on the another hand embarrassed the thought of "agreement of agents". In turn, the Suchocka government was to fall due to the gastric disorder of 1 of the MPs.
The fall of Olszewski's government and the recordings from the parliamentary negotiations of this period became the founding story of a large part of the Polish right, until present reheated annually by the Law and Justices, to balance the communicative about the 04.06. election, and to hit Tusk. Although on the celebrated recording Tusk behaves the most wisely, telling the somewhat panicking leaders “gentlemen, let's number the voices” – the ability to keep cold blood in the crisis is something I would personally anticipate from the head of government.
In the 4th Parliament (2001–2005), Gabriel Janowski occupied the talker in defence of Polish sugar. The business was besides organised by self-defense MPs.
However, the real hit of this period was the investigation committee on the Rywin affair, broadcast live on TVP3 and broadcasting TVN24 for a comparatively fresh time. Thanks to the TVP3 committee, she was able to gain marketplace shares of 10%. The Commission created political stars Zbigniew Ziobra and Jan Rokita – of the second more short-lived – and contributed to the collapse of the “great SLD” and the end of the post-communist division in Polish politics, which replaced the new, PO-PiS – which continued to this day.
The 5th word of office (2005–07) was a period of continuous crisis: the coalition with Self-defense broke and folded again, ministers were losing their jobs, the services were organizing provocations against the politicians overseeing their government, yet the full unstable arrangement ended after 2 years. It made her a peculiarly breathtaking period of our Seym tv series.
Since 2007, the Sejm has become rather boring. someway they tried to revive him specified characters as Janusz Palikot, but without large successes. Tusk together with the peoples built so unchangeable a majority – which was inherited from the momentum by Ewa Kopacz – that politically nothing truly amazing could happen in the Sejm. Kaczyński had a akin majority from 2015 to 2020.
The president of the Law and Justice Office is not able to regulation any another way than through the crisis, so they have not been missing in the last 8 years. However, since the Pisan waltz yet spread everything – but for the fewer cases erstwhile the president's veto stopped him – the Sejm of VIII and IX of the word rapidly became a boring spectacle. Even erstwhile PiS lost a unchangeable majority after 2020 and had to patch it with people like Kukiz and Meyza.
But now the situation is reversed. There is simply a fresh majority and a fresh hand. People who have been drunk by power for years are abruptly brutally brought to earth. In a situation where in the election a evidence number of votes was given after 1989, even without Holownia's star talent This could origin natural interest in what is happening in the Sejm.
Viewers and participants
I anticipate that the wave of this interest will yet begin to decline, surely after the Tusk government has risen and the fresh majority has been strengthened. However, I hope that any part of the increased interest The parliament will hold.
Of course, it's not about the Sejm being a fascinating show. Parliament is not meant to be a origin of entertainment, but a place of lawmaking and representing the various interests that form part of the political community. Nevertheless, erstwhile these interests are represented in a spectacularly attractive form, they increase the interest and engagement of citizens.
Democracy is created not by viewers, but by participants. The real challenge for politicians is how to turn the audiences attracted by the transmission of the advanced House's deliberations into more active participants in democratic processes, citizens active not only at the occasion of subsequent elections. Regardless of the fact that Holownia present is about a future presidential run and building its own brand, there is no request to be offended if its march even a small closer to these goals.
