“The nation is not only a community of the living, but besides of those who were before us, and of those who will come after us.”
– Roman Dmowski, “Thinking of a Modern Pole”
In modern Poland, we are increasingly seeing signs of a deep Community crisis. Although the state exists and functions formally and society remains in constant motion, it is increasingly hard to talk of real national unity. Political polarization, axiological breakdown, atomicization of families and local communities, as well as increasing indifference to public affairs – all this shows the progressive disintegration of collective life. Under specified circumstances, we request not only systemic reforms, but deeper spiritual and ideological renewal – an thought that can reunite the nation as an ethical and political community.
One specified thought is national solidarity – a concept derived from the tradition of National Democracy, and present frequently forgotten or mistakenly associated with statism and socialism. However, his first sense was completely different: he assumed voluntary interaction between different social layers in the name of the common good, without the request for coercion or central control. Solidarity is not an economical system, but a social ethics – a kind of reasoning and action that recognises the nation as a higher form of social and moral organization.
"The nation is simply a collective of all social layers connected with unity of origin, historical tradition and political nodes."
– Zygmunt Balicki, “National egoism towards ethics”
In a time of global change, erstwhile Western societies plunge into a crisis of individualism, consumerism and decadence, the Polish nation needs an alternative. National solidarity can be the answer – if we treat it not as a relic of the past, but as a foundation for a modern, liable national community.
The legacy of National Democracy is 1 of the most crucial foundations of political and social thought of modern Poland, although it is frequently overlooked or presented in a simplified way today. However, it was the epidecia, as the national movement was commonly called, that built a comprehensive and realistic programme for the revival of the nation – not only as a political being, but above all as an organic cultural, spiritual and ethical community.
The creators of ideas specified as Roman Dmowski, Zygmunt Balicki or Jan Ludwik Popławski viewed the nation not as a loose collection of individuals, but as a structure of a higher order – a surviving organism in which each social layer has its place and work towards the whole. In their view, the nation is not only a community of blood and language, but above all a community of fate, responsibilities and objectives. specified a definition was a reaction to both liberal individualism and class collectiveism proclaimed by socialists. Endeci rejected the revolution, seeing it as a threat to the continuity and national unity.
National solidarity was not an artificial social theory, but a applicable program of action, derived from the experience of the nation's life under occupation. In the absence of its statehood, the Polish nation had to last through the strength of the interior organization: associations, cooperatives, press, schools and family. The national movement so emphasised the construction of social institutions – independent of the state but serving the nation. An excellent example is the Society of National Education, which has spread education in the national spirit, or many youth and women's organizations, created as a consequence to social regeneration and demoralization.
The central concept in national thought was work – both individual and collective. all Pole, regardless of social background, had a work to act for the common good. This rule was based on the concept of national solidarity: agreements between social classes, not on the basis of conflict or egalitarianism, but on common designation and cooperation. The State was to service as an auxiliary – support national structures but not replace them or enslave them.
"National solidarity is at odds with the socialist slogan of class conflict and global proletariat solidarity."
– Stanisław Kozicki
Today, erstwhile the state is present in almost all aspect of life and social ties are frequently broken down, the legacy of National Democracy can inspire the reconstruction of the community. This is not an archaic doctrine, but a realistic school of reasoning about a nation, which is not a mass managed from above, but a community built from below—on values, work and service.
National solidarity is simply a concept profoundly rooted in the political thought of National Democracy, and at the same time highly up-to-date with contemporary social threats. This is not an economical or political doctrine in the strict sense of the word, but alternatively an ethical and social concept of organizing national life, establishing order and cooperation over class divisions, but within a clearly defined national identity.
This thought is based on the belief that a nation is simply a superior value to the interests of individuals, professional groups or social classes. Society, according to the Endeck thinkers, should not be an arena of conflict for influence, but a community based on shared responsibility, solidarity and ethics of service. In this sense, national solidarity is the other of both liberal individualism, which shatters society into isolated individuals and socialist collectiveism, which through revolution and coercion leads to the enslavement of the nation.
In contrast to systems based on the fight of interests, national solidarity assumes that social order should consequence from natural relations between social layers alternatively than being imposed in advance by the state. common recognition, work and service to the common good form the basis for the nation as a whole. Key values are: common good, honesty, sense of duty, work ethics and historical awareness.
National solidarity does not reject private property, competition or entrepreneurship – on the contrary, it appreciates their importance for the economical improvement and strength of the nation. However, all of this is to be embedded within ethical and national frameworks, not only subject to profit logic. A man – regardless of his social position – is not just a consumer or producer, but a associate of a national community whose persistence and improvement depend on his attitude.
In practice, national solidarity is expressed, among another things, in the creation and support of social, self-help, cooperative, educational and cultural organisations that service the common good, not peculiar interests. In this sense, this thought encourages civilian activism, but based on values alternatively than ideology. It is not about the state controlling society, but about society taking work for the nation – according to the rule of subsidiarity.
Under modern conditions, national solidarity can besides be a consequence to global challenges specified as consumerism, alienation, the breakdown of household and local ties. It can be an ethical counterweight for a planet where transactional relations and the culture of immediate gratification dominate. In this context, it is not only worth working together, but besides a conscious choice of national lifestyle – from consumption through education to social relations.
National solidarity is so a civilizational project, not just a political alternative. It is simply a proposal to live within the national community, which is based not on coercion, but on free decision – and a deep sense of work for the destiny of Poland.
In the 21st century Poland faces challenges that test social cohesion and national identity. Although the foundation of state sovereignty was restored after 1989, this process was carried out in parallel with the introduction of a liberal socio-economic model that loosened national and Community ties. Globalization, privatization of social life, dominance of abroad capital and the collapse of many forms of local self-organization – all this weakened the ability of Poles to think in terms of the common good. In this context, the thought of national solidarity can and should return as alternative to social atomization and dependence on external structures.
One of the most crucial challenges of contemporary Poland is the deepening social and territorial divisions. The booming metropolises are moving distant from the state that faces depopulation, deficiency of access to public services and youth emigration. The demographic and cultural crisis undermines intergenerational and local ties. At the same time, political and media polarisation leads to common exclusion of ideological camps, resulting in a deficiency of community language.
In this situation, returning to national solidarity means rebuilding the community from scratch – through local actions, ethical choices, regular responsibility. This does not require decrees or laws, but changes in public awareness. To replace social helplessness civic activity inspired by concern for the nation.
An excellent example of the applicable application of national solidarity – both in the past and present – is the action “Your own to your own”. Its first form was born in the Second Republic, as an initiative of Christian-national and patriotic communities that encouraged Poles to support native entrepreneurs, shops and service providers. The action was peaceful and conscious, its aim was to build national capital, counter economical dependence and advance consumer patriotism.
Today, the same slogan was taken up by the Association of Entrepreneurs and Farmers ‘Swojak’, which in a modern way continues the spirit of national solidarity. The organization supports Polish producers, farmers and entrepreneurs, conducting educational campaigns, promoting national products and creating cooperation networks independent of the state. Their activities show that the thought of national solidarity can function not as a slogan, but as a concrete strategy of bottom-up action, built on values and conscious choice.
Unlike the welfare state model, which creates passive citizens dependent on subsidies, national solidarity assumes the active function of society in organising its own life. The function of the state should be limited to support and protection, not dominance. In accordance with the rule of subsidiarity, local communities, parishes, social organisations, entrepreneurs and families should be the basis of social governance.
Examples of this approach can be found in many bottom-up initiatives: agricultural cooperatives, food cooperatives, social education or educational foundations. utilizing fresh technologies – social media, crowdfunding, educational platforms – national solidarity can take on modern forms present without losing anything from its perfect depth.
Modern national solidarity is not only an organizational structure, but besides a life attitude. It is simply a regular choice made in a spirit of responsibility: where I buy, how I vote, what values I give to children. In this sense, modern patriotism is not limited to symbolic gestures, but includes work culture, honesty, support for the weaker and care for the common good.
“If individual can no longer afford their own creation, it is better for him to imitate the native patterns than to unthinkably ape fashion currents abroad.”
– Jan Mosdorf
National solidarity, like any thought of strong ethical and social potential, can be distorted, especially erstwhile it is separated from its sources and transformed into an ideological tool. past and modernity show that the slogan of solidarity can be utilized instrumentally – not to build a community, but to justify claims, justify the expansion of state control or mask organization interests.
One of the biggest threats is false solidarity, understood as a mechanics for redistribution of resources, which is not based on ethics and responsibility, but on the claimability and passiveness of citizens. This knowing of solidarity, close to socialist doctrine, leads to a model clienteleist countryIn which a citizen becomes a petent, not a contributor to social life. As a result, there is simply a weakening of grassroots and household institutions and the dependence of society on policy decisions.
Another threat is stubbornness of the notion of a nation, which results in the appropriation of national symbolism by certain political forces. specified practices lead to polarisation, exclusion from public debate and marginalisation of the voice of those who do not identify with the current dominant narrative. As a consequence solidarity loses its universal character and becomes a propaganda instrument, not a common plane of action.
The 3rd dimension of distortion is conceptual inflation. Abuse of the word "solidarity" in the media, political campaigns and advertisements leads to its analysis. erstwhile everything becomes "solidar", the concept itself loses focus and ceases to be ethically motivating. Meanwhile, national solidarity requires clarity – and boundaries: not all collective gesture, not all charity serves the nation as a community of fate.
Therefore, it is essential to guarantee the purity of the idea, its appropriate knowing and its skillful implementation. National solidarity must stay a civic and moral attitude, not an instrument of power or an excuse for social laziness. His strength lies in voluntaryness, ethics and work – not in the strategy of warrants and transfers.
“The future belongs to those who have the idea, religion in it and the ability to sacrifice it.”
– Roman Dmowski
In the age of relativism, individualism and the distribution of the community, the nation, if it wants to continue, cannot trust solely on institutions and procedures. He must find his interior moral strength, the origin of a spirit of unity that does not yield to either fashion or fear. National solidarity, as a concept profoundly rooted in the Polish ideological tradition, has the possible to become specified a origin – not so much a explanation as civic ethics and lifestyle.
This is not a call for revolution or rejection of modernity. On the contrary, it is a proposal for modern patriotism, which alternatively of extremes offers a balance: freedom with responsibility, property with ethics, individual with nation. National solidarity does not reject the marketplace or democracy – but expects both things to be rooted in values alternatively than in interests.
Today we request not so much "great reforms" as we do a large return to Community thinking. The revival of national spirit will not be done by any party, no bill, no EU programme. This can only happen by changing consciousness – by educating the young generation in a spirit of service, integrity and work for the national community. The nation will not last as a collection of consumers, but as a community of people who feel liable for each other.
So it's time to remember that Being Polish is not only an inheritance – it is besides a commitment. A commitment to action, to care, to solidarity – this true, national, built from the bottom up, not given in advance. It's time each of us – wherever he is – asked not “what can you do for me?” but: “What can I do for my people?”
Rafał Skórniewski
