Africans, descendants of Dutch, German, and French settlers arriving in South Africa in the 17th century, have been the dominant group in the state structures of South Africa for decades. Their native language, Afrikaans, and Reformed Confession (Calvinism) were not only elements of identity, but besides an ideological foundation for the apartheid system, which maintained the white number in power.
After the fall of apartheid in 1994 and the transition of the country to multiracial democracy, Africans have lost political importance and their position has been undermined by fresh socio-political realities.
It was under these conditions, in the desert areas of the North Cape, that Orania was established — a city founded and inhabited exclusively by Africans, striving for full autonomy and cultural autonomy. Orania has a population of little than 3,000, but it has large emotions and controversy throughout South Africa. Critics see it as a reactionary apartheid museum; supporters — the last bastion of endangered cultures.
This article is not an indictment or a pean in honor of Orania. It's an effort to realize the phenomenon. So we will look at the roots of the African identity, the past of the formation of the Orania, the everyday life of the inhabitants, the controversy that this task raises, and the aspirations for the future. We will ask whether there is area for cultural enclaves in the 21st century and whether specified projects can function within a modern democratic state?
Africans come from the first European settlers to arrive at Cape Good Hope in the 17th century, mainly from the Netherlands, Germany and France. Their language, afrikaans, developed as a local Dutch variety, adapted to African conditions and colonial environments. The spiritual foundation was Calvinism, emphasizing predestination, industriousness and ethics of individual responsibility. These 3 pillars — language, religion, and awareness of the mission of civilization — formed a separate identity that yet evolved into nationalism.
The turning point occurred during the Boer Wars (1880–1881) and 1899–1902) in which Africans, then called Burami, clashed with the British Empire. The Second Boer War ended with the defeat of Burów, concentration camps for civilians and the fall of independent Boer republics. This trauma was profoundly enshrined in the collective memory of Africans and became the basis for building a strong, besieged national identity based on the story of sacrifice and election.
After South Africa gained independency from Britain and the National organization took power, Africans became a political hegemon. In 1948 apartheid was introduced — a racial segregation strategy that, on the 1 hand, was designed to defend African culture, but on the another hand resulted in violent discrimination against most black people. For many Africans apartheid was a way to last their group in the country's dominated demographics; for the planet it became a symbol of injustice.
1994 marked the end of apartheid, Nelson Mandela's triumph and the beginning of a fresh era in South Africa. For Africans, it was a time of dramatic change: the failure of political power, the fear of repression, emigration and a sense of powerlessness. In this context, the thought of Orania was born as a safe haven for culture and community that felt abandoned by history. There were brutal attacks on farmers – a phenomenon known as plaasmoorde. Since the 1990s, thousands of farms have been the victim of assaults that have killed hundreds of people. Data is frightening: since 2010, more than 800 murders and thousands of assaults have been reported, frequently highly cruel. Victims are tortured, raped, murdered in front of families. In many cases, it is not just about robbery, it is about intimidation and cultural hatred. There is increasingly talk of systematic displacement of white farmers, mainly Burów, from their lands. In this climate, political slogans and songs calling for force against farmers deepen tensions and legitimize terror.
The thought of creating an autonomous centre for Africans had already emerged in the 1960s, but it was only Carel Boshoff — the son-in-law of Hendrik Verwoerd, the father-in-law of apartheid. In 1990, Boshoff and a group of supporters purchased the abandoned working settlement of Orania from the Water Resources Department for an amount of about 1.5 million rands. The goal was to make the alleged Volkstaat — a national state for Africans.
In the first months, only a twelve families arrived in Orania. The conditions were difficult, infrastructure and investment were lacking. However, Boshoff had a clearly defined purpose: building a community based on Calvin values, self-work (selfwerksaamheid) and cultural constituency. Orania was to be the seed of a future independent being.
In 1994, an agreement was signed between Freedom Front, ANC and the National Party, which gave emergence to the application of Article 235 of the South African Constitution, guaranteeing the right to self-determination of cultural groups. This allowed Orania to function as a self-government unit, though without designation of statehood. The symbolic minute was Nelson Mandela's 1995 visit and a gathering with the widow of Verwoerd, Betsie. It was a motion of reconciliation, but besides designation of the right to others. In the following years, the city expanded infrastructure, attracted fresh residents and strengthened its institutions. In 2010, even president Jacob Zuma visited them, speaking of Orania as a place where people can live according to their own culture.
Today, Orania is more than 2,800 inhabitants, a developed agricultural economy, its own currency and the ambitions of improvement to 10,000 inhabitants, and even more. But its existence inactive raises questions: is it the last red tape of the past era, or is it the pioneering micro-state task in the African edition?
Orania has been a origin of large emotions and utmost opinions. Critics accuse her of racism, isolationism, and nostalgia behind apartheid times. For many, it is simply a “white enclave” that separates from the thought of the Rainbow Nation. It is accused of its deficiency of inclusiveness, its closure on another cultures and the continuation of cultural separatistism under the cover of cultural autonomy. The people of Orania reject these allegations, claiming that their goal is not to dominate or prejudice, but to preserve their own culture, language and values under conditions where they feel marginalized and insecure. They argue that self-determination is not the same as racism, and their approach is the right to diversity and freedom of association.
An crucial difference that the Oranians point to is the rejection of the thought of baasskap (reignment) which lay at the base of apartheid. Instead, selfwerksaamheid is promoted — a model based on same - work and economical autonomy. Everyone works, no 1 hires “lower” social strata. It is simply a redefining of a community that is based not on exclusion of others, but on self-sufficiency.
Contrary to stereotypes, Orania is not completely isolated. She was visited by black community leaders including Nelson Mandela, Jacob Zuma and Gayton McKenzie. These contacts frequently had a symbolic dimension, but show that dialog is possible. The leaders of any conventional communities (e.g. Xhos or Tswana) besides expressed interest in the principles of self-determination on which Orania is based.
Although Orania inactive has only a fewer 1000 inhabitants, its ambitions go much further. In 2023, urbanisation plans were announced on a scale of up to 50,000, and in the long word even a million inhabitants. The imagination is bold: transforming Orania into an integrated, autonomous city-state based on technology, local economy and social cohesion.
Energy independency is 1 of the key areas of investment. Today, Orania covers almost half of its request from solar energy. The nonsubjective is full autonomy in this respect. The improvement of the solar network and intelligent energy management systems is under way. In parallel, financial systems based on cryptocurrency and local complementary currencies are being developed.
In fresh weeks, the Orania delegation has visited the United States, gathering conservative politicians and think-tanks. The aim was to gain political and investment support. The movement leader Joost Strydom emphasized that Orania was not looking for grants, but partners willing to invest in infrastructure, housing and energy development. Meetings with Republican organization representatives aimed at building ideological alliances.
In this context, there is besides the character of Donald Trump, who in the past offered political asylum to Africans in the US. In the eyes of any residents, he became a symbolic patron of the case of Orania. Although there is no formal state support, the sympathy of American conservatives gives Orania a sense of legitimacy and courage for further action.
New Orania is not only a political but besides a technological project. Urban plans supply for smart settlements, transport systems with minimal carbon footprints and digital management of public services. This is simply a kind of mix: cultural conservatism and progressive approach to technology.
The question of whether specified a imagination is real remains open. Critics see in it anachronism and the story of “ethnic utopia”. Supporters say this is simply a logical consequence to the sense of exclusion, crime and deficiency of representation. Orania appears as a laboratory of an alternate society organization in the 21st century — with all its contradictions and aspirations.
Marek Wolski
