So let us look at these celebrated 21 demands of the Inter-founded Strike Committee. Let's skip the epidural postulates here, they have little meaning. Let us besides skip the apparent and general demands. Let us focus on those fewer that are presented as allegedly introduced or as out of date.
1. Acceptance of free trade union parties and employers, resulting from the global Labour Organisation (ILO) Convention No 87 ratified by the PRL.
The postulate seems to have been introduced. In practice, establishing a trade union is very difficult. There are plenty of examples where employers do not accept trade unions, and people who effort to establish trade unions are simply fired from work.
2. guarantee the right to strike and safety for strikers and supporters.
The postulate seems to have been introduced. There are plenty of rules overly restrictive the right to strike.
Firstly, in order to scope it, intermediate points specified as negotiations, mediation and strike vote must be fulfilled. These points can last for months, and employees have the chance to hinder them. The negotiations do not have a certain time limit, mediation must be conducted by a paid mediator, and a strike vote cannot be ignored. The best example was the strike vote in the Ladybug, which was to last from January 2019 for more than half a year, as it would take so long for unionists to vote in respective 1000 shops working 3 shifts. Then it was extended until June 2020, due to the fact that the worker made it hard to carry it out. In the end, I guess it didn't happen due to the fact that it turned out that the trade union did not have the ability to get data from employees who were not members of the union, even though it was essential to conduct a strike vote.
Secondly, the category of people deprived of the right to strike is besides extensive. The knowing is that the right to strike is deprived, for example, of uniformed services. Meanwhile, the right to strike is excluded for all those employed "in state authorities, government and local government administration, courts and prosecutors". specified a wide scope of means that the right to strike does not exist, for example, for taxation office employees, even though their strike would not endanger the safety of the state.
Thirdly, the strike was brought only on labour matters between the worker and the employee. After all, the strikes in People's Poland, on which the legacy is referred to as "free" Poland, had a broader basis and these 21 MPS demands confirm this. The strike in August 1980 broke out in consequence to the release of Anna Nazarowy Walentynowicz – present specified a strike in defence of the fired worker would be unlawful. Moreover, there is no anticipation to strike against state or local government authorities. It does not substance that government policy straight affects employment issues. There is besides a narrow concept of an worker – the real worker in municipal companies, for example, is the city's authorities, and it is not possible to strike against them. As a result, 1 cannot strike against raising retirement age, low minimum wage, privatisation of the company, etc. Of course, social rights cannot be the subject of collective disputes either. Regional or general strikes cannot be carried out (in connection with the country-specific state, local and global authorities).
14. Reduce the retirement age for women to 50 years and for men to 55 years or working in PRL 30 years for women and 35 years for men regardless of age.
Postulates can be presented as obsolete, but technological and method advancement and appropriate guidance of the national economy give opportunities to reduce working time and early retirement. In the russian Union, the basic retirement age was lower than in People's Poland and was 55 for women and 60 for men. This should be done as best as possible, and the call should be made by enabling early passage (bridge retirement, retirement for those who worked for certain years in an unhealthy environment, underground or in metallurgy or hard physically in harmful conditions, as well as those who were raised in poorness or poverty).
18. Enter maternity leave paid for 3 years to rise the child.
As above, it is mentioned as obsolete, for its introduction in the present capitalist strategy seems impossible. Instead, a parental leave was introduced, which is free of charge with a benefit of PLN 400. In the fresh socialised strategy for which we should fight, this would be possible. Like any another demands (prices, dwellings), the current authorities besides transferred this request to the private sector, where the capitalist will not pay remuneration for 3 years of leave.
21. Bring in all Saturdays off work. Workers in continuous traffic and the 4-brigade strategy deficiency free Saturdays to compensate for the increased size of leave or another paid days free of work.
Postulates mentioned as inducted, which is not true. Saturday, unlike Sunday, does not have the position of a day off, even though the postulate was clear. The free Saturday is based solely on the overall working time set out in the Labour Code: ‘The working time must not exceed 8 hours a day and on average 40 hours in the average five-day working week during the accepted accounting period’. It was widely accepted that Saturday would be the day off next to Sunday, but this is not imposed. The workplace can freely set a five-day working week, and only Sunday remains a public holiday. The employer does not gotta set an additional day off for work on Saturday. Besides, capitalist Poland has problems even with Sunday (read here).
