Recently, the book by Prof. Pawel Machcewicz entitled “National Communism in Polish is simply a noteworthy event on the Polish publishing market. "Partisans" of Moczar".
The author undertook a subject, which has so far been the subject of historical publications alternatively than serious technological studies. Of course, specified historians as Jerzy Eisler, Andrzej Friszke and Krzysztof Lesiakowski dealt with the socio-political situation in Poland during the period of alleged "small stability", but it is impossible to recognise that this subject is exhausted. In particular, there is simply a deficiency of studies on interior conflicts within the Polish United Labour organization during the period of the regulation of Władysław Gomulka, and the available work on this subject is not always full nonsubjective and meets technological criteria. Hence, the book by Paweł Machcewicz surely fills a gap in the publishing market.
At the outset, it should be stressed that the title of the book itself is rather unfortunate. And it is not only that during the period of the Polish People's Republic it is hard to talk about communism in any form, as Jan Engelgard rightly pointed out. It is besides crucial that the group of "partisans" was not just 1 of the factions within the PPR, but a much broader environment, which included non-partisans, frequently with powerfully anti-communist views. This was confirmed by the very cross section of the Union of Fighters for Freedom and Democracy, bringing together combatants as diverse political military formations as the People's Army, the National Army, the Peasants Battalions, and in fewer cases even the National Armed Forces. In addition, supporters (and frequently friends) Mieczysław Moczar was a group of literates, artists, or intellectuals who were not connected to the Polish Academy of Sciences – to mention, for example, Jan Szczepański, Xawery Danikowski, Wojciech Żukrowski, Jerzy Szaniawski or Andrzej Brycht. But even the PZPR activists associated with a group of “partisans” only made small mention to Marxism, as well as were not the guardians of organization orthodoxy, which distinguished them from representatives on certain issues of the Natolin group close to them.
With mention to the survey itself, it should be stressed that the author carefully analysed the political and social background which enabled the formation of a group of “partisans” and the political influence of Mieczysław Moczar. It can be said that the "partisans" community was formed on the ruins of the above mentioned Natolin group. The faction of “natolins” was distinguished on the eve of October 1956 in opposition to the environment called “pull”. The activists of the “Natolinist” faction, although standing on the basis of organization orthodoxy, demanded the settlement of the crimes of Stalinism, among which was overrepresentation of judaic people.
On the another hand, ‘pull’, being mostly liable for the ‘mistakes and distortions’ of the Stalinist period, tried to get into the robes of liberals and reformers. In the context of March events, it is besides crucial that many judaic people were among activists of the Puławy faction. The meaning of both groups began to fade with the fixation of the position of Władysław Gomulka and activists from his immediate surroundings (e.g. Zenon Klisko, Ignacy Loga-Sowiński). It was then that an environment of “partisans” formed, consisting mostly of erstwhile soldiers of the People's defender and the People's Army, fighting during the war in guerrilla troops. This group was previously marginalized by erstwhile KPP activists, who mostly spent the period of war in the russian Union, and after the war they carried out a clear Stalinist course, fighting the “right-nationalist deviation” in the party. any of the “partisans” specified as Grzegorz Korczyński were victims of violent repression at the time. Mieczysław Moczar's promotion to the position of Minister of the Interior and his election as president of the Union for Freedom and Democracy in 1964 contributed to the increased importance of the “partisans” environment. The success of Mieczysław Moczar’s book “The colour of the Fight” based on which the movie directed by Jerzy Passendorfer is besides not overlooked.
Interestingly, in the first period, Gen. Grzegorz Korczyński was the informal leader of the “partisans”. In time, however, it was Moczar that became the undisputed leader of this environment. According to Paweł Machcewicz, this activity in the Union of Freedom and Democracy Fighters was crucial for both Moczar's political career and social support for the community of “partisans”. erstwhile soldiers of the National Army and the Peasant Battalions began to join the Union of Freedom and Democracy, frequently oppressed during the Stalinism period. Mieczysław Moczar personally sought their rehabilitation and redress for the harm suffered.
A crucial share of erstwhile AK-owers was seen in the management boards of the ZBOWiD – both at national and regional level. Among others, the Vice-Presidents of the General Board of ZBoWiD were: the commander of Kedywu Colonel Jan Mazurkiewicz "Radosław" and the commander of the Kryska Group Major Zygmunt Netzer. Regardless, the “partisans” gained support among representatives of the mediate and lower organization apparatus, hoping for personnel changes in the party. It was common to believe that erstwhile carrying out the accounts after 1956 Władysław Gomulka stopped half way and that the “October” should be completed. According to Paweł Machcewicz, the actions of the “partisans” greatly expanded public support for the power of the organization at the time, and the “nationalization” of the organization was positively assessed even by people completely politically and ideologically distant from it.
Mieczysław Moczar and Colonel Jan Mazurkiewicz “Radosław”
For example, the author quoted a message far from sympathy with the PZPR Kazimierz Moczarski, who referred to Mieczysław Moczar: “It has popularity – part of the police service, part of the combatants [...] Among these combatants is part of the AK-men who can follow him due to the fact that they have a lot to thank for. Moczar has quite a few merit due to the fact that he took the thorn out of the AK-owci from the Second planet War" (p. 165). On the another hand, erstwhile Head of the 2nd Division of the General office General Stanislaw Tatar stated: “I am ready – although I am a alien to the thought – to support a group of guerrillas – if they decide to go against the judaic clergy” (p. 164).
On the another hand, Lieutenant-Colonel Jan Falkowski, erstwhile commander of Division 303, wrote to Mieczysław Moczar, saying: “I am arrogant of you and your large achievements, I see you are patriots and you are building a beautiful and strong Homeland! Happy to you God” (p. 190). On the another hand, the erstwhile commander of the Łódź Army, General Juliusz Rómmel, was to say: “It is our duty, regardless of past organizational affiliation, political orientation and age, to participate actively in the construction of a fresh strong socialist Poland. And the facility in which we can make our activity for the People's Poland is the ZBoWiD” (p. 175).
The well-known author and reporter Melchior Wańkowicz, and even writer of hostile PRL Radio Free Europe Wiktor Troscianko, besides declared a affirmative attitude towards Moczar and the "party" environment. All of this undermines the contemporary story that in People's Poland there was an unacceptable dictatorship, which based its power solely on repression and could only function through political support from the USSR.
Unfortunately, the second part of the book on March events is much little interesting. Referring to the causes and assessment of March 1968, the author replicates and perpetuates patterns and stereotypes known for their unbiased and politically coloured publications. Paweł Machcewicz, for example, points out that the essence of March events was to search a "scapegoat" in the form of Zionists, which diverted public attention from real social and economical problems. The criticism of the promoters, but only of judaic origin, was acceptable and even indicated. According to the author: "The characteristic component of the March discourse was populist notes – attacking people and environments who were considered privileged due to their material status, their positions, the informal benefits of caterial connections or closeness with the centres of power" (p. 306).
Even if in part this was true, it does not explain in any way the political conditions of March events, which are primarily due to the failure to account for the elder officials of the Stalinist period, who inactive play an crucial function in the state and organization apparatus. The author besides ignores the fact that the main leaders of March protests in most cases had close household associations with prominent activists of the “Pulavia Group”. It's hard to talk about an accident under the circumstances. Another stereotypical claim is the perception of March events as a provocation of an environment centered around Mieczysław Moczar, aimed at taking him to the position of I secretary in place of Władysław Gomulka. Although no known sources confirm the above hypothesis, the author did not explicitly exclude it. At this point, it should be stressed that 1 of the leaders of the group of “partisans” Grzegorz Korczyński was a close associate of Władysław Gomulka – among another things, after the arrest by MBP in 1950, despite the torture, as 1 of the few, he did not give evidence incriminating “Wiesław”. besides another close associate of Gomulka – Ryszard Strzelecki was associated with the environment of “partisans”. Of course, Władysław Gomulka may have felt threatened by the increasing influences of Moczar, which was most likely the reason for the cancellation of “Mietka” from the function of Minister of the Interior in July 1968.
In conclusion, the undoubted advantage of Paweł Machcewicz's work is to build on the wide origin material, allowing for an knowing of the historical background and sociological conditions of the increasing influence of “partisans” in the 1960s. The downside is the marginal treatment of the structure of this environment itself. The book has small information about the influences of “partisans” inside the organization and the factions during this period. The conflict between Mieczysław Moczar and Antoni Alster in the Ministry of the Interior was barely indicated. There is besides no more information about another representatives of the “party” environment: Teodor Kuflu, Marian Janic, Tadeusz Pietrzak, or Józef Ozga-Michaelski. It should besides be pointed out that, in addition to the unquestionable erudition and excellent technological workshop, the author could not full keep his objectivity and refrain from political assessments, especially in the March section. Despite this, prof. Paweł Machcewicz's book is undoubtedly a position worth reading.
Michał Radzikowski
All quotes in the text come from the reviewed book: Paweł Machcewicz, "National Communism in Polish. ‘Partisans’ of Moczar“ Political Critics Publishing House, Warsaw 2025.
Think Poland, No. 27-28 (23-30.11.2025)
