There was a political earthquake in Nepal. The government and parliament building burned down. At least 30 people were killed in the riots, many others were injured. Prime Minister Khadga Prasad Oli, Minister of the Interior Ramesh Lekhak, and respective more ministers resigned. What caused this crisis?
Cynically speaking, the Nepali generation Z rebelled due to the fact that the government blocked their access to Instagram, but this would be a terrible simplification. The frustration of young people towards the corrupt elite, expanding unemployment and deepening inequality has grown for years.
Instagram blockade spark of rebellion
The authoritative reason for freezing access to social media at the turn of August and September was that companies specified as Meta, Google, X and others did not registry locally as "service providers" and did not meet the request to establish a representation in Nepal. However, in the eyes of young people it was an effort to censor and suppress the criticism of the authorities. Many young Nepalis have long regarded social platforms not only as a origin of entertainment, but above all as a tool for mobilising, exchanging information and publicising cases of abuse of political elites.
According to planet Bank data, the unemployment rate among young Nepalis (15-24 years) was 20.8% in 2024. The deficiency of prospects each year forces hundreds of thousands of people to emigrate for employment, and the remittances from diaspora already account for 1 3rd of the country's GDP. In a country where, despite education and years of effort, young people have no chance of unchangeable work or social promotion, anger causes extravagant lives for the children of politicians and authoritative elites.
Banana youth, called "nepo kids" here, occupys intranet positions in public administration, frequently without appropriate qualifications. On the Internet, there are reports of luxury travel and consumer excesses of this group, and photographs from “successful purchases” are frequently contrasted with the hard everyday life of “ordinary” people. Therefore, anger towards nepo kids is more than just criticism of elite privileges or jealousy. This is simply a sign of frustration towards a strategy that perpetuates inequality and takes a sense of justice.
Therefore, the shut-off of access to the most crucial platforms – where nepo kids photos were circulating – was perceived as an assassination of freedom of speech and a simplification of influence on public debate, i.e. as an act of political control alternatively than method regulation. This decision proved to be a spark that sparked the mass protests of the Nepalese generation Z. As Sareesha Shrestha, quoted by CNN, said: “The frustration has been building for years, but the ban on social media was the last drop.”
Riots in Kathmandu
It started with peaceful demonstrations – young people, among them students and students in school uniforms, met in Maitighar Mandala Square, close Parliament in Kathmandu. The banners that they most frequently carried repeated calls for integrity and the end of privileges: “not for corruption”, “our future is not for sale”. another slogans straight demanded that the authorities retreat their decision to block social media.
However, during the demonstration on Monday, September 8, it got restless. As a crowd of protesters moved towards government buildings, police responded with teardrop gas, water cannons and dense ammunition. 19 people died that day.
In the following days, the number of victims increased to 30, and more than 1,000 people were injured. Government buildings were set on fire, a hotel in the center of the capital. Many protesters distanced themselves from vandalism, stressing that provocations and opportunists were responsible, but the demolition was enormous. In Kathmandu and close areas, police hours were introduced, and schools and universities were closed in many districts. Public transport was disrupted, the airport closed, and the streets were patrolled by policemen with support of soldiers.
In the face of the escalation, Prime Minister Khadga Prasad On Tuesday, Oli resigned, writing in a letter that "extraordinary situation" leaves him no another choice. Ramesh Lekhak (Internal Affairs), Ramnath Adhikari (Agriculture and Animal Development), Pradeep Yadav (Water Supply) and Teju Lal Chaudhary (Youth and Sport) resigned soon. In addition, any members of parliament, like Ranjeeta Shrestha, resigned from their mandates. These smokes were an expression of moral work and an effort to alleviate the tense political situation in the country. Access to social media has been restored.
Kathmandu writer Pranaya Rana points out that protests went far beyond urban youth. “The movement was and is very popular,” explains Rana through Messenger. – Demonstrations were held throughout the country, not only in Kathmandu. Older generations agree with the request of young people, although not always with their methods. There is simply a belief that what happened was the best option, although it cost a lot. Even conventional political parties changed their speech and supported the Z generation.
Ultimately, it was over-generational support – from frustrated students to tired stagnation of older citizens – that made the government incapable to keep the position quo.
Sushila Karki and Balen Shah – fresh faces of Nepali politics
In the political vacuum that arose after Oli's resignation, the name of the erstwhile ultimate Court justice Sushila Karki is increasingly given as a candidate for interim government prime minister.
“The movement does not have 1 leader, there are competing groups and various proposals,” says Pranaya Rana. – However, a consensus around Sushila Karki is slow being built as interim prime minister.
Balendra "Balen" Shah, the current mayor of Kathmandu, as well as a musician and rapper who is simply a symbol of honesty and effectiveness in the eyes of the Z generation, enjoys large support among young people.
– Balen Shah is simply a very popular young leader. Generation Z sees him as 1 of the fewer politicians who can truly do something and are not corrupt," explains Pranaya Rana. He yet supported Sushila Karki. Everything indicates that he intends to run for Prime Minister in the next election, which he could not do as interim prime minister.
The Z generation in South Asia is increasingly entering the streets
Nepalese generation Z protests are not an isolated phenomenon in South Asia. In fresh years, young people across the region have increasingly taken to the streets in defence of their rights and against corrupt elites. In 2022, students in Bangladesh protested massively on educational reforms and improved surviving conditions, and in Sri Lanka, youth protests played a key function in removing the president from power during the economical crisis in 2022–2023. For the Z generation in South Asia, social media is not only comic memes and news on groups – young people increasingly combine technology with political activism and generation movements They have a real impact on the change of power structures.
Kathmandu inactive smells like burning fire, and soldiers are watching the streets. Residents mourn the victims, and students fear repression. At the same time, many Nepalis look at the future with careful optimism.
– I am hopeful – says writer Pranaya Rana. Most of us are.
Nepal's future is uncertain today. Will the energy and determination of the Z generation translate into a permanent change in state institutions? Will young people be able to turn street rage into real politics? Or possibly the crisis will benefit the old elites who keep the position quo?
* Oh, my God *
Claudia Khan – journalist, humanitarian worker, erstwhile teacher, eternal student. He lives primarily in Poland and Pakistan. He writes primarily about people (those connected to the earth and those who are forced to migrate) and about nature and lessons from dealing with inhuman beings.
