September 1939, not only in Lviv
IV Demolition of Poland
The 4th Polish demolition carried out in 1939 by Hitler and Stalin on 1 and 17 September 1939 began the 2nd planet War.
Before planet War II, Russian and German diplomats utilized the word “IV demolition of Poland”. “I don’t see any another way for us, like the 4th demolition of Poland,” said Vladimir Połodkin – Deputy Minister of abroad Affairs of the USSR on 4 October 1938. "Poles feel assured due to the fact that they number on the support of France and England and material aid of Russia, but they are wrong. Just as Hitler did not consider it possible to settle the substance of Austria and Czechoslovakia without the approval of Italy, so he does not think present to settle the Polish-German dispute without Russia. There have already been 3 partitions of Poland; you will see the fourth!" said Karl-Heinrich Bodenschatz – General Luftwaffe and close associate of Herman Wilhelm Göring on May 6, 1939. Meanwhile, 1938 opened a fresh time in the past of the 3rd Reich – a period of conquest. Austria was the first victim when, on March 15, 1938, Hitler, officially welcomed by his fellow countrymen, entered Vienna, which had since become 1 of the metropolises of the Reich. Austria's Anschluss to large Germany was supported in a referendum by a overwhelming majority of 99.73% Austrians. In the same year the 3rd Reich was enriched with fresh territories. National socialists began to complain about the Sudetes, where Germans besides lived. Czechoslovakia was ready to fight for these areas, but Britain and France were not willing to aid it.
On September 30, 1938, Adolf Hitler, Edouard Deladier ( France ), Benito Mussolini ( Italy ) and Neville Chamberlain ( United Kingdom ) made a deal on the basis of which Czechoslovakia gave up the 3rd Reich of Sudeta. The repeated demands from Czechoslovakia Hitler issued on March 15, 1939 and on that day Wehrmacht entered
the remainder of Czechoslovakia. shortly after, it was divided into Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia, Czech Republic - autonomous unit of the 3rd Reich, Slovakia - puppet
German, and Carpathian Ukraine originally created as autonomy, was later given to Hungary. In parallel with the actions in Czechoslovakia, Hitler had already another candidate to conquer – east Prussia, which separated Pomerania owned by Poland. Since October 1938 German diplomacy has held talks with Poland, the goal
the anticipation of Poland joining the pact against the russian Union; the construction of an extraterritorial road connecting East Prussia to the remainder of Germany, and the annexation of the Free City of Gdańsk to the 3rd Reich. This proposal, despite repeated repetition, was rejected each time by Polish diplomacy.
Throughout July and August 1939, German propaganda showed a image of Poles – tormentors of the German minority, to bring about a pact called the "Ribbentrop Pact – Molotov". On 23 August 1939, in Moscow, the 3rd Reich abroad Minister Joachim von Ribbentrop and the abroad Minister of the russian Union Viacheslaw Molotov signed this pact, which was a russian consent to German aggression on Poland on 1 September 1939 – the outbreak of planet War II without its resignation. Indeed, the secret protocol of the Ribbentrop Pact – Molotov concluded on 28 September 1939, i.e. already during the war. On September 17, 1939, the russian army assassinatedly, besides without declaration of war invaded Poland from the Soviet-Polish border from the east, and so was the 4th demolition of Poland. The function of our allies - England and France - at the time of this aggression was nothing, given that on September 3, 1939 the United Kingdom and France declared war on Germany without taking any military action.
In April 1940 by order of the Führer, Wehrmacht struck Denmark and Norway. A period later, France and the Benelux countries were attacked.
The Ally of Poland France, after Hitler mastered it in June 1940, became an ally of Nazi Germany.
The National Assembly of the 3rd Republic of France after the resignation of French president Albert Lebrun - gave full authority to Marshal Philipp Pétain. France Vichy was thus the successor of the 3rd Republic. The Vichy administration operated in France - occupied by the 3rd Reich - and in the unoccupied continental France (based in Vichy), along with the government (premieres: Pierre Laval and Admiral Francois Darlan) and all state structures (the army, police), as well as in the colonies of France. The unoccupied continental France region was occupied by the Wehrmacht in November 1942 while maintaining French state structures.
As a consequence of the policy of submission – "political correctness" towards the Nazi Germany – with a political slogan – “do not irritate Hitler” western states - the United Kingdom and France - passed on the Munich Agreement to Hitler Czechoslovakia and practically allowed the outbreak of planet War II.
The United States then behaved passively and did not respond to German aggression against Poland, as if waiting for developments - so as not to annoy Hitler !!!
Seismic historical speech by Joseph Beck
Only 4 months before Stalin and Hitler's assault on Poland on 5 May 1939 Polish abroad Minister Józef Beck gave a speech in the Sejm about the global situation and the defence alliances concluded. And he said,
"High House!
I am utilizing the Parliament gathering to fill any gaps in my work in fresh months. The course of global events would possibly justify more statements by the abroad Minister than my only exposé? in the legislature abroad Affairs Committee.
On the another hand, this fast course of events prompted me to postpone the public declaration until the main issues of our policy took a more mature form.
The consequences, resulting from the weakening of global collective institutions and from the deep revision of working methods between countries, which I have repeatedly signaled in the Chambers, have opened up a number of fresh problems in different countries
parts of the world. This process and its effects have reached the borders of the Republic in the last fewer months. What can most mostly be said about this phenomenon, I summarize in determining that relations between individual countries have become more individual, more personal. General standards have been weakened. It is simply more and more direct from you to you. As far as we are concerned, there have been very serious events.
Our contact with any countries has become deeper and easier, in another cases serious difficulties have arisen. In chronological terms, I am referring to our first line deal with the United Kingdom, England. After respective diplomatic contacts to find the scope of our future relationship, we reached a direct agreement on the basis of the rule of common assistance in the event of a threat to the direct or indirect independency of 1 of our countries on the occasion of my visit to London. The expression of the agreement is known to you in Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain's declaration of 6 April, a declaration whose text has been agreed and should be considered to be an arrangement concluded between the 2 governments. I consider it my work to add here that the way and form of exhausting talks in London add peculiar value to the agreement. I would like the Polish public to know that I met with English statesmen not only a deep knowing of the general issues of European policy, but besides the attitude towards our country, which allowed me to discuss all the crucial issues with all openness and trust, without any indisputation or doubt. The fast determination of the rule of Polish-Polish cooperation was possible mainly due to the fact that we explained clearly that the trends of both
Governments are compatible with the fundamental European issues; surely neither England nor Poland have any aggressive intentions towards anyone, but they are besides firmly based on respect for certain fundamental principles in global life.
Parallel declarations by the French political directors state that we agree between Paris and Warsaw that the effectiveness of our defence agreement not only cannot be weakened by a change in the global economy, but alternatively that this agreement should be 1 of the most crucial factors in Europe's political structure. The Polish - English agreement was accepted by the Chancellor of the German Reich as an excuse for unilateral designation of the non-existent agreement which the Chancellor of the Reich concluded with us in 1934. Before I get to today's phase of the matter, gentlemen, let me a brief historical outline.
The fact that I was privileged to participate actively in the conclusion and execution of this arrangement requires me to examine it. The 1934 deal was an event of large measure. It was an effort to give any better course of past between the 2 large nations, an effort to appear from the unhealthy atmosphere of regular grumps and wider hostile intentions, to emergence beyond centuries-old animosities, to make a deep foundation of common respect. An effort to argue evil is always the most beautiful anticipation of political activity.
Polish politics in the most critical moments of fresh times showed respect for this principle.
From this angle of view, gentlemen, breaking this arrangement is not very significant. But all deal is worth as much as the consequences of it are worth. And if the partner's policy and conduct deviates from the rule of the agreement, then his
We have no reason to mourn if we are weakened or disappeared. The Polish-German agreement of 1934 was an agreement on common respect and good neighbourhood, and as specified brought affirmative
the value to the life of our country, to the life of Germany and to the life of Europe. However, the minute there are trends to interpret it either as a regulation on the freedom of our policy, or as a motive for demanding us unilaterally, and that our vital interests of the concept have lost its actual character. Let's decision on to the current situation. The German Reich itself accepted the fact of the Polish-English agreement as a motive for breaking the agreement of 1934. From the German side, specified or another objections were raised of a juridical nature. Let me mention to our answer to the German memorandum, which will be delivered to the German Government today. I would besides hatred to keep you on diplomatic forms of this event any longer, but a certain area has a circumstantial expression here. The Reich government, as is apparent from the text of the German memorandum, made its decision on the basis of press information, without examining the opinion of either the English Government or the Polish Government on the nature of the agreement. This was not difficult, as I was ready to accept the Reich ambassador immediately after returning from London, who has not taken this chance to this day.
Why is this important? For the simplest reasonable man, it is clear that it was not the nature, intent and framework of the Polish-English arrangement that decided, but the fact that specified a arrangement was concluded. And this is crucial again for assessing the intentions of the Reich's policy, due to the fact that if, contrary to erstwhile statements, the Reich Government interpreted the declaration of non-aggression concluded with Poland in 1934 as a desire to isolate Poland and prevent our normal, friendly country from cooperating with Western countries, we would always reject specified interpretations.
High House!
In order to measure the situation properly, first of all, what is the matter? Without this question and our answer to them, we cannot decently measure the essence of German statements in relation to the issues around Poland. About our relation with
I told the West before. The issue of German proposals about the future of the Free City of Gdańsk, the communication of the Reich with east Prussia by our Pomeranian Voivodeship and additional topics raised as matters, interesting jointly Poland and Germany. Let us examine these questions 1 by one.
As for Gdańsk, a fewer general comments first. The Free City of Gdańsk was not invented in the Versailles Treaty. It is simply a phenomenon that has existed for many centuries, and as a result, actually, if the emotional origin is rejected, a affirmative intersection of Polish and German matters. German merchants in Gdańsk ensured the improvement and prosperity of this city, thanks to the overseas trade of Poland. Not only the development, but besides the right existence of this city resulted from the fact that it lies at the mouth of our only large river, which in the past decided, and on the main waterway and railway, connecting us present to the Baltic. This is the fact that no fresh formulas can erase. The population of Gdańsk is now in its dominant majority German, but its existence and prosperity depend on the economical possible of Poland. What consequences did we draw from this? We stood and stand firmly on the platform of interests of our maritime trade and our maritime policy in Gdańsk. Looking for reasonable and reconciled solutions, we deliberately did not effort to exert any force on the free national, ideological and cultural improvement of the German population in the Free City.
I will not extend my speech by quoting examples. They are well - known to all who handled the substance in any way. But as shortly as the German statesmen who respected our position and expressed their opinion that “the provincial city would not be the subject of dispute,
between Poland and Germany" - I hear the request of the annexation of Gdańsk to the Reich, as shortly as, on our proposal, the joint warrant of the existence and rights of the Free City is submitted on 26 March, I do not receive an answer and then learn that it has been
She's considered a rejection of negotiations - so I gotta ask myself, what precisely is it? Whether the freedom of the German population of Gdańsk, which is not threatened, or about prestigious matters, or about pushing Poland distant from the Baltic Sea, from which Poland cannot be pushed away!
The same considerations mention to communication through our Pomeranian Voivodeship. I insist on the word "Pomorskie Voivodeship". The word “corritary” is an artificial invention, due to the fact that it is about the eternal Polish land, having a tiny percent of German settlers. We gave the German Reich all facilitation in railway communication, allowed the citizens of this country to pass without difficulty customs or passports from the Reich to East Prussia. We proposed to consider akin facilitations in car communication.
And here comes the question again, what precisely is it? We have no interest in harming the citizens of the Reich in communication with their east province. We have no reason to diminish our sovereignty in our own territory.
In the first and second cases, this is about the future of Gdańsk and communication by Pomerania, it is inactive about unilateral concessions, which the Reich Government seems to request from us. A respectable state does not make unilateral concessions. Where, then, is this reciprocity? In German proposals it looks alternatively vague. The Reich Chancellor in his speech mentioned a triple condominium in Slovakia. I am forced to say that I heard this proposal for the first time in the Chancellor's speech of 28 April. In any erstwhile discussions, only hints were made that in the event of a general agreement, Slovakia could be discussed. We have not sought to deepen this kind of conversation due to the fact that we do not have the habit of dealing with another people’s interests. Similarly, the proposal to extend the non-aggression pact for 25 years has not been presented in any concrete form in fresh discussions. Here besides were unofficial allusions, coming from prominent representatives of the Reich Government. But, gentlemen, in specified conversations
There have besides been various another hints, which go much further and wider than the subjects discussed. I will reserve the right to return to this subject if necessary.
In his speech, the Chancellor The Reichs as concessions, for its part, propose to recognise and adopt a definite border between Poland and Germany. I gotta state that this would be about the designation of our de jure and de facto uncontested property, so this proposal besides cannot change my thesis that German dissiders in the case of Gdańsk and highways stay unilateral demands.
In the light of these explanations, the advanced Chamber expects me to provide, and rightly, a answer to the last passus of the German memorandum, which says: "If the Polish Government had attached importance to the fresh contractual regulation of Polish-German relations, the German Government would be ready to do so." I think I've already defined our position.
For the record, I'll do a resumé.
A motive for specified an agreement would be the word “peace” which the Reich Chancellor stressed in his speech. Peace is definitely the goal of hard and hard work of Polish diplomacy. For this word to have real value, 2 conditions are needed: 1) peaceful intentions, 2) peaceful methods of conduct. If these 2 conditions are in fact directed towards our country, any discussion, which evidently respects the principles mentioned above, is possible. If specified talks were to happen, it would be customary for the Polish Government to treat the issue in a factual way, considering the experiences of fresh times, but not to deny its best will.
Peace is simply a valuable and desirable thing. Our generation, bloody in wars, surely deserves peace. But peace, like almost all the affairs of this world, has its price, high,
but measurable. We in Poland do not know the concept of peace at all costs. There is only 1 thing in the lives of people, nations and states that is priceless. That thing is honor."
September 17 is simply a date you can't remember, which covers the mystery of an unimaginable sea of suffering, as well as a terrible political reality. Without September 17, there would not be 1 September, there would be no planet War II, genocide, deportation, Holocaust and partition of Poland between the 3rd German Reich, and ZSRS, with the aid of Ukrainian fascists from OUN - UPA, conducting interior diversion on Polish lands. This reality consists of 3 symbols: Auschwitz – Katyń – Volyn, subordinated to the russian – German alliance, which lay at the root of the woes of 20th century Europe and planet War II unleashed by this alliance.
If it were not for the knowing of these 2 powers, if Hitler had no warrant of Stalin that they would destruct Poland together, it would most likely not have caused war at that time. If Stalin had not stepped in on September 17, there would have been a chance of further Polish opposition against the German troops in the alleged Romanian foreface, and then the full planet War II, the full defence war of Poland in September 1939 would have been different.
In the Polish People's Republic, propaganda spoke loudly about fascist Germany, attacks on 1 September, Nazi crimes, but the subject of the ban was the attack of ZSRS on Poland and the date of 17 September and russian crimes in Poland, Katyń, annexation of half of Poland by the USSR under the Ribbentrop-Molotov pact, or alternatively its secret part.
After Poland regained independency ( ? ) in 1989 more began to talk about the 4th partition of Poland and its consequences, revealing traitors and russian collaborators and the tragic destiny of Poles under russian occupation. Unfortunately, the current political salons are silent in the name of the pseudo-good neighbourhood and the alleged "political correctness" about the participation of our neighbours in the 4th partition of Poland. It is inappropriate to talk about the attack of Lithuania (with approval
ZSRS) and the annexation of Vilnius, whether Slovakia's participation in aggression against Poland, or the criminal assault of the Ukrainian Legion, not to mention the Nazi agent in Poland from the fascist sign OUN - UPA, liable for the genocide of Poles in Volyn,
Podolu, east Małopolska, in Lviv, guilty of initiating rebellions inside the Polish state in September 1939 for the 3rd German Reich and later for the ZSRS. Look ]]>http://www.ivrozbipolski.pl/]]>
The aggressive abroad policy that Hitler and Stalin applied led to the start of the Second planet War by Germany and ZSRS, which resulted in the failure of about 50 million people, and Poland lost the South-East Borders of the Second Polish Republic, including the centuries-old Polish Lviv, as a consequence of the Tehran-Jaltan conference.
123 years of partitions, with a break in the inter-war 20 years, have become a continuation of the slavery of the nation as a consequence of the agreement of 2 bandits attackers, with the betrayal of national interests by our western allies, with whom we had diplomatic and legal defence agreements of our country. In the formation of the russian PRL, as the next republic of the russian Union participated the United States and the United Kingdom as coalitions of the USSR.
Defence of Lviv
During the pre-war period, Lviv was the strongest garrison in east Małopolska. It was the seat of the Army Inspectorate headed by General Kazimierz Fabrycy and the Corps territory Command No. VI with Brig-Gen Władysław Alexander Langner – nicknamed “Złom”. There were units stationed in Lviv:
Staff of the 5th Infantry Division and the Lviv National Defence Brigade together with 2 battalions
National Defence of Lions I and Lions II,
Artillery Group Command No 6,
19th Infantry Regiment, 40th Infantry Regiment,
III Battalion 26th Infantry Regiment,
14th Ulan Regiment,
5th Field Artillery Regiment,
5th dense Artillery Regiment,
6th Armour Battalion,
6th Air Regiment, stationed at the airport in Skniłów,
6th Anti-Aircraft Artillery Division and 6th Rolling Stock Squadron.
The city besides housed the Corps of Cadets No. 1 by Marshal Józef Piłsudski. On August 29, the remainder of the 5th Infantry Division, or 40th Infantry Regiment, mobilized,
3rd Battalion 26th Infantry Regiment and 5th Light Artillery Regiment.
They departed in the first days of September by rail to Warsaw. Only:
Corps territory Command No. VI, backup centres and fewer rear troops.
As of 1 September, the Lviv had been heavy bombarded by the Luftwaffe, causing major harm and to any degree disorganized military activities. Among another things, buildings of the Baczewski vodka mill and the Greek Catholic Church of the Holy Spirit were destroyed. The Main Railway Station and a number of buildings were besides damaged, especially at Grodecka and Janowska Streets. In addition, the safety defender was established, headed by a general of the division at rest, Władysław Jędrzejewski, and the Civic Committee of Defence of Lviv, headed by the Rector of the University of Lviv Prof. Roman Longschamps de Bérier. As of 7 September, the organization of the defence of Lviv began, initially in the far forefield of the city based on the River Vereshica. This was handled by Colonel Bolesław Fijałkowski. On 9 September, General W. Langner ordered a dam from
assistant companies on the line: Żółkiew, Janów, the River Vereshica, Gródek Jagielloński, Vereshica, Komarno, the River Dniestr. On the same day, General W. Langner besides appointed the Command of Defence of the Lvov Area, headed by Major General Rudolf Prich.On 10 September, General W. Langner checked in with the Minister of Military Affairs of Maj-Gen Tadeusz Kasprzycki in Lutsk, who ordered him to organize a permanent defence in Lviv to facilitate the supply of Polish troops crossing south of the country. On that day, General Kazimierz Sosnkowski arrived in the town, who received orders from the Chief Leader to take command of the confederate group of the Army "Karpaty" with the task of maintaining the Sanu line and the cover of Lviv.
On 11 September, Gen. R. Prich issued the first operational order, according to which his forces were tasked with the independent defence of Lviv and the area north of Jaczkow, with an advanced opposition point in Rawa Ruska, and in the west over the Vereshica by Janów - Jagielloński Castle to Like the Great. A plan of defence of Lviv was rapidly developed, which was decided to base on natural terrain obstacles (the most crucial were the hill 374 "Kortumowa Góra" and hill 324 close Zboiski).
On the outside of the city, it was decided to build barricades and anti-tank ditches (with the aid of the local population), while inside the city, divided into separate sectors and defensive blocks, build barricades and prepare ammunition, food and sanitary facilities.
On September 11, the city was divided into sectors. As of September 11, the defence crew of Lviv began strengthening troops from another parts of the country. On that day he was the first to arrive by rail from Stryja march battalion 48th Major Edward Szymanski Infantry Regiment. respective cannon platoons and anti-aircraft ckm came from Rzeszów, Krosna and Przemyśl.
The German troops occupied Sambor on the night of 11 to 12 September, while on the morning of 12 September - the village of Kalma, lying northeast of Sambor. At the time in Kalinów, commander
German 98th Mountain firearm Regiment Colonel Ferdinand Schörner ordered the creation and tasks of a motorized pursuit group of the 1st Mountain firearm Division, Major General Louis Kübler, headed by himself. She was expected to get through to Lviv as shortly as possible. Finally, on September 12, the leader of the Colonel's group. F. Schörner appeared on the edge of Lviv from the side of Cold Water. This attack took the form of a surprise intrusion to master crucial facilities in the city and paralyze the Polish defence. The most fierce fight broke out for a opposition point at Bogdanówka Street, Grodecka Street, the cast of which was infantry platoon, ckm platoon and artillery platoon (2 cannons 75 mm).
Groups of German soldiers broke into the city, reaching St. Elizabeth's Church. However, the situation was overcome by the direction of the fresh military and police divisions in Grodecka Street. As a result, in the evening, the Germans went to defence pending reinforcements. The Polish Defence Command of Lviv sent to endangered sections of strengthening on Kortumowa, Wólka, Stryjska Street, Persenówka railway station, Zielona Street and Łychczakowska Street.
On September 12, the city's defence was strengthened by troops from DOK area III in Grodno: 3 regiments of infantry in the strength of 195 officers and about 6400 soldiers and 2 battalions of the 35th Reserve Infantry Division (II Battalion 205 Reserve Infantry Regiment and 1st Battalion 206 Reserve Infantry Regiment res.), as well as at night a squadron of division cavalry.
In the night, ammunition and hand grenades from the Hłosko weapons depot were besides taken into the city. On that day, the leadership of the Lviv Defence Group yet formed.
It was led by the commander of the South Front by Brigadier General, at rest, Franciszek Sikorski. In turn, German command – despite strengthening its own forces in the Grodecka Street area at night – gave up further attempts to immediately occupy the city. With the arrival of further German troops, the siege of Lviv began. On 13 September in the morning, after strong artillery preparation, Colonel F. Schörner's militant group launched an attack on Kortum Mountain, from which a good view was extended to let artillery fire throughout the city. It was defended by a Polish division from the OZ 5th Infantry Division in strength of only about 80 soldiers with a 75 mm cannon platoon.
However, it was not able to prevent Polish positions in Kortumowa Góra from taking place at noon. Her failure was a large failure of Poles. At the same time, the German II battalion of the 98th psg continued its attack in the north-west direction, deepening the lap of Lviv and reaching Zboisk and hill 324 in the evening. The roads to Brzuchowice and Jaczki were thus cut. The Polish command tried twice to take Kortumowa Góra away, but only managed to recover the site of Janowski Cemetery, lying on the hillside. However, it was only a partial success. The fights were besides fought on the western section of the city's defence, from Main Station to Kulparków.
Further reinforcements were inactive coming to Lviv in the form of the Second Squadron Command (without 6th battery), the 155 mm Haubic and 3 batteries with 2 105 mm guns from the 6th dense Artillery Regiment - (they took positions in the area of citadel and Łychczak Cemetery).
In the morning, General Kazimierz Sosnkowski besides left the city, who with a tiny staff flew to Przemyśl to take command of the forces there and to break through with them to the besieged Lviv.
Taking into account the anticipation of further attacks on Lviv (especially tanks), Gen. F. Sikorski ordered the commanders of the sections to build anti-tank dams. They were to be placed by infantry with civilian volunteers under the direction of assigned bomb squads. In the morning, General W. Lagner was amazed to hear about the evacuation of the provincial office and the politician of Grodki, and the state of Biłka, so he ordered the creation of a replacement authority headed by Prime Minister Kazimierz Bartlem and president S. Ostrowski.
It was besides continued to lift ammunition from the Armoured Component in Holosku Wielki. General Kazimierz Sosnkowski subjected General W. Langner to the 10th Cavalry Brigade of the Diplomated Colonel Stanisław Maczek, which was north of Lviv.
Its task was to attack German troops from the north, expel them from Zboisk and open the road to Lviv. On the another hand, German 1st DG General L. Kübler
He received information this morning about the departure from Przemyśl to the area of Lviv of Poland under General Kazimierz Sosnkowski. He decided to safe his back and directed the German battalion to the Jagiellońsk Gródek, later reinforced and reformed in the Ruska Rusznia region.
On 14 September, it lasted only in the city fighting with a local character, but with large activity of both sides. The most intense activities were conducted under Kulparkow and Wulka, which Germans attacked in connection with the expansion of the Lvov lap from the south to the railway line to Chodorów and the road to Beaverka.
During this time, Ukrainian diversions, a Nazi nationalist agent from the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists, assisted German troops to break the defence of Lviv from within, shot at Wulka.
The fighting besides took place northwest of Lviv in the Ruska Rzasna region. In the afternoon, Polish troops withdrew to Holosk the Great, strengthening the crew of the Armoured Components. The chief of staff of the South Front came to the town, a certified colonel Bronisław Rakowski, under the orders of the Chief Chief of Staff to fill the Romanian foreman. Part of Polish Radio staff arrived from Stanisławów, the broadcast station damaged during the evacuation and the broadcast of the program resumed. The situation in the city was getting worse. The power plant, the gas plant and the waterworks were not working.
Approximately 100,000 civilian refugees arrived in Lviv, leading to a breach of military food stocks. There were besides about 3,000 sick and injured people in the city. Polish troops in the city continued to grow.
On September 15, General W. Langner decided to support the efforts of the groups that attempted to break into the city. To this end, defenders attacked the hills close Zboisk and towards Holosk the Great. In both cases, Germany was forced to retreat in the fight, but Polish attacks were yet stopped by German artillery. In Lviv alone, they tried to recover Kortum Mountain without success. In the evening and at night, a reconnaissance was sent towards Sokolnik, the road to St. The German bomb aircraft damaged water supply facilities in Dobrostan. In order to improve cooperation between military and civilian authorities, Lieutenant-Colonel Antoni Jakubowski was appointed as liaison officer on maintenance matters
order, commission, safety and wellness care. The mobilization of the 6th territory Hospital, resulting in the creation of 60
units. Six sanitary trains tried to evacuate the injured. Only sanitary train No. 66 transported 300 wounded to Stanisławów twice before German aircraft bombed him. However, sanitary train No. 64 was set on fire by Ukrainian diversions from the Ukrainian Insurgency Army.
On 16 September the attack most likely of the 3rd Battalion 206 pp. rez. began with the support of 2 artillery squadrons to hill 324. It was stopped on the confederate slopes. At the same time, the Germans struck from Kortum Mountain to hill 374 with strong artillery preparation, occupying them after a fewer hours. At noon, Polish defenders attacked in the direction of Holosko Wielki and the hill lying south of it, to aid the 10th BK. However, the action was not agreed with the 10th BK. Half of the village was overrun by evening, but shortly the Polish battalion withdrew behind Peltev.
On September 17, General W. Langner issued an order to attack the Zamarstinian hills and hill 324 to get direct contact with the 10th BK forces. This led to an afternoon sanatorium in Holosku Wielki and a run up hill 324. However, at the same time, the 10th BK, which came without success to the hills under Zboiski,
received an order from the Chief Command of the HR to decision south for Dniestr and then to Hungary. In the night, the defenders expelled the Germans from under the Lviv towns of Podborców,
Sub-generates, Abolitions, Murzone Forests and Dublana. During the morning hours, the Corps territory Command in Lviv received reports of russian troops crossing the Polish border and moving into the country. That afternoon, General W.
Langner was given orders from the Chief Command of the HR to fight only Germany, and to the Red Army troops to open fire only in cases of essential self-defense. The 6th Army of the Ukrainian Front under the command of Komkor Filip Golikov was moving towards the city. On 18 September, the defenders' forces were reinforced by the arrival of 2 armored trains from Lutsk: No. 53 "The Bold" of Captain Mieczysław Malinowski and No. 55 "Bartosz Głowacki" of Captain Andrzej Podgórski. The second division of the 33rd Light Artillery Regiment besides arrived in Lviv. Chief of Staff of the 35th DP Rez., Colonel Jan Sokołowski proposed to step up defence by calling for arms
volunteers. This was supported by Brig-Gen Marian Januszajtis, who made an appeal to join the Volunteer Defence Corps of Lviv (soon)
reached about 5,000 people). On 18 September, the Chief Command of the Wehrmacht (OKW) issued a directive ordering 14. General Wilhelm's army reached the line: Skole, Stryj, the east edge of Lviv, Stream Kamionka and Bug after Hrubieszów. The 18th Army Corps under the command of Gen. Eugene Bayer was to destruct GO Gen. K. Sosnkowski and capture the Lions, and the 5th D. Panc. and 57th DP – to master the oil vents. The Germans, who wanted to take the city very badly, that day dropped flyers calling for surrender and issued an ultimatum, announcing a strong attack on September 19.
In turn, the commander of the russian Ukrainian Front, Semion Timoshenko's commanding officer, ordered the 5th Army to scope the line: Rożyszcz, Horochów, Łuck. The 6th Army captured the Lions, and the 12th Army reached the lines of Żurawno, Dolina, Stanisławów, and then attacked towards Stryja, insuring the left wing from Romania. During the night from 18 to 19 September
intensive reconnaissance of Polish positions on all sections was conducted. On the another hand, in the night, the russian subdivision attacked Polish barricades in Łychak and fired 1 battery stations of 42 light artillery squadron, attempting to enter the city by surprise.
The Poles, however, repudiated this attack. In this situation, the Soviets closed the east edge of the city and occupied the Vineyards.
On September 19th in the morning russian officers arrived on the Łychakowska horn, proposing to the commander of the defence of Lviv the beginning of a negotiation to hand over the city. It's done.
they in Winniki with the participation of Colonel Bronisław Rakowski, Colonel Kazimierz Ryziński and Major Wacław Berka as translator. Representatives of the russian side claimed that they came to fight Germany and insisted on obtaining approval to enter the city. Since Poles did not have the right power of attorney, the talks were to continue. At the same time, Polish defenders conducted rather intensive military actions. Their goal was to support General K. Sosnkowski's troops breaking through from the west to Lviv. Poles managed to take over Zamarstyn and Holosko Małe and the confederate edge of Holoska Wielki. However, the further attack broke down. The armored train "Bartosz Głowacki" was eliminated, which received respective direct hits, which disabled him, but was evacuated to Podzamcze railway station. In the afternoon, General W. Langner ordered that in the event of a russian attack open fire and not be surprised.
Polish observers besides reported that another russian and German troops were approaching the city's borders from Sichow. 3 evacuation trains from Radom, Dęblin and Starachowice reached the city via the free railway lines through Dublana and the Stream Kamioneka.
They brought, among others, 4 40 mm cannons, 12,000 rifles, 2,000 ckms, 4,000 rkms, 5,000 guns, and large amounts of ammunition and hand grenades. Late at night to the city
The first groups of soldiers from General K. Sosnkowski's penetrating GO began to arrive. On September 20, the crew of Lviv were preparing for circular defense. General F. Sikorski recommended
commanders of sections and commanders of artillery and sappers strengthen the city's frontline defence by compacting fortification devices, building fresh barricades and ditches
anti-tank. The interior opposition was to be the advanced Castle. On that day, the military situation of Polish troops in Lviv deteriorated significantly. General W.
Langner continued to number on the success of breaking into the city of GO Gen. K. Sosnkowski and so ordered to resume the attack on Brzuchowice and Holosko from morning.
However, it was again unsuccessful. On the another hand, the defenders of Lviv in the confederate section had to repel the attack of German infantry and tanks aimed at Kulparks, barracks of 6th Air Regiment and the road to Stryja.
On the western and east sections, the revived activities of German and russian reconnaissance divisions were observed, and in Lviv alone, sabotage and diversion actions of Ukrainian nationalists were observed. On 20 September, the russian 6th Ukrainian Front Army staff prepared a general strike on the Lviv. Armoured Brigades delayed their arrival
under the city due to the overload of Red Army columns from Tarnopol to Lviv. On the another hand, operating south of Lviv 12th Army Commander Ivan W. Tiuleniev was ordered to regroup her own forces to prevent the crew of Lviv from entering the Hungarian border. The German side besides undertook preparatory action to the general attack on the city, which was to start a small earlier than the russian attack. The Germans called on Polish defenders to surrender by morning on September 21, and otherwise threatened to destruct Lviv.
Representatives of the Wehrmacht and the Red Army met respective times under Lviv to agree on joint action against Polish defenders, and to usage Ukrainian nationalists operating inside the Polish defence of the city.
On September 20, the staff of the German South Army Group received a message from the Chief Command of the German Land Army (OKH) with orders to halt the siege of Lviv and
maintain communication with the applicable russian commander to prevent further clashes between the 2 armies.
Order 14. The Army informed about the establishment of a German-Soviet demarcation line moving along Pisa, Narwi, Vistula and Sanu to Przemyśl, and further through Chyrów to Użocka Pass. On September 21, representatives of the Red Army offered to resume talks.
They were held in Winniki with the participation of Colonel K. Ryziński and Major Jan Javicz as a translator. The Soviets insisted on receiving approval to enter Lviv, but the Polish delegation had no competence. In this situation, the gathering of General W. Langner with the Red Army General was agreed for the afternoon. However, russian troops attacked Polish defenders, but after being shot 3 times by Poles they withdrew to their positions. The russian side guaranteed the Poles to leave the municipal authorities to date, the safety of life for everyone in the city, the preservation of private property and the anticipation of departure for those wishing to neutral states, but these were only promises without cover, as the Soviets did not intend to implement them.
On 22 September, a Polish delegation composed of General W. Langner, Colonel B. Rakowski and Captain Kazimierz Czyhiryn as an interpreter met with representatives of the Red Army in Winniki. The Soviets accepted Polish conditions in their entirety and without discussion.
He was signed "Protocol of the announcement of the transfer of the city of the Lviv Red Army", according to which officers had guaranteed individual freedom and immunity of property, and the anticipation of going abroad. At the same time, General W. Langner released the "Order to the Army of the Lion Crew", specifying the order and manner of leaving the city by soldiers, "Order to Soldiers" with thanks for defending the city and "I'll call the residents."
The surrender of the city met with protests of officers, enlisted officers as well as privates and civilians. It was a immense mistake in the gene. Langner who believed in something that didn't be in
Soviet Army, that is honor and respect for global law. Gen. W. Langner most likely did not take into account the diversion of the interior band of Ukrainian OUN nationalists.
Poles came out of Lviv in columns, separately officers, and separately others to the military. They were escorted by russian soldiers outside the city. Upon reaching
However, the culprit Polish officers were not released, but with the breach of signed contracts taken prisoner. Like the another officers, they went to prison camps in Starobielsk, Kozielsk, Ostashkov, Mednoje, and were then betrayed by the NKVD in Katyn. Entering Lviv in the afternoon
The Red Army and the NKVD have committed many crimes since the beginning, including Polish policemen shot at the turnpike at Zielona Street, like another group of soldiers and policemen in Brygidki. The rapes and robberies of the Soviets led to the protest by the city president S. Ostrowski at russian Command, but without any result.
The fresh authorities have ordered the registration of refugees and others in the military city. On September 24, S. Ostrowski was arrested, and on October 27, General M. Januszajtis, who had already begun creating the first bundles of conspiracy. Unwarranted optimism and belief in the sincerity of russian intentions related to surrendering the city resulted in a fast decision to hand over the Lviv Red Army and consequently the Katyń Crime.
Katyn, Smolensk, Starobielsk, Kharkiv, Ostashkov, Twer, Mednoje Kuropaty, Bykovnia
Although the crime occurred in 1940, its roots date back to the September 1939 campaign. The victims of russian genocide were mostly Polish prisoners of war captured after the ZSRS attack on Poland on 17 September 1939. By order of the head of the People's Interior Commission (NKVD) of Lavrientiy Berii, respective days after the attack, POW camps began to rise. Among them were camps in Kozielsk, Starobielsk and Ostashkov. They were visited by officers who were not already shot during the capture, specified as.
defenders of Lviv. The prisoners were handled by the NKVD, not by the military. The prisoners did not sense the impending tragedy, especially as they were treated tolerablely, fed, had the chance to correspond with their families.
Order to shoot.
On March 5, 1940, the Political Office of the Central Committee of the All-Russian Communist Party, at the request of the Beria, gives the order to execute the imprisoned, the content of note 794/G:
"Cases to be dealt with in a peculiar mode, with the highest punishment applied to them - shooting. Cases to be dealt with without summoning the arrested and without presenting charges, decisions to end the investigation and indictment."
Policy Office KC WKP(b)
Under the death sentence, the signatures were given by Józef Stalin, Mikhail Kalinin, Wiacheslaw Molotov, Anastas Mikojan, Lazar Kaganovich and Kliment Voroshilov. The executive orders were issued by Beria. The first prisoners were murdered on March 15. Mass executions followed in April and lasted until the second half of May. Prisoners of Kozielska were murdered in Katyn and Smolensk, officers from Starobielska were killed in Kharkov, and from the camp in Ostashkov died in Tver - they were buried in Mednoje. another mass graves are in Kuropaty close Minsk and in Byków close Kiev. We haven't been able to find the exact number of people shot until today. Estimates say 21,857 people killed. There's no telling where 7.305 people died. For reasons not explained to this day, 395 prisoners have not been killed. Among the prisoners were 12 generals, 1 admiral, 82 colonels, 205 lieutenant colonels and
563 majors. Most of the victims were reserve officers, who in civilians were the intellectual and cultural elite of the country. Among them were doctors, engineers, artists, teachers,
Lawyers, journalists, athletes. The state of supplies, supplies and weapons, as well as the attitude of soldiers and civilians gave the chance to conduct a longer defence of the city. By
with the Ribbentrop pact - Molotov of August 23, 1939, Lviv went to the russian business zone, it was Stalin's individual success and his revenge for the year 1920, erstwhile 1st Budionny Horse Army failed to capture Lviv and was broken by Poles.
As a consequence of planet War II, the 4th demolition of Poland was carried out, which was under German-Soviet occupation.
The German-Bolshevik War
The German-Bolshevik War was learned by the Lions early in the morning on Sunday, June 22, 1941, erstwhile German bomber squadrons heavy rocked over the city. The densely dropped bombs did not let any illusions. Countries that had allied themselves little than 2 years ago to destruct us have now entered into a common struggle, and from the walls of the Lviv Brigidek blood was dripping with the brains of prisoners murdered by the NKVD – I saw traces of this crime myself.
Poland betrayed by the Allied under Bolshevik occupation
After 1945, the Polish east border was to be based on the alleged Curzon Line, which Stalin himself proposed. All versions of this line left Lviv on the Polish side, which historically and ethnically was purely Polish, but Stalin, with individual motives, crossed out his own line which was in line with the Hitler-Stalin Pact of 28 September 1939, leaving Lviv in the russian business zone. This situation has been established
in 1945 in Yalta by the indifferent attitude of the United States and large Britain. Under russian business there were tragic times for Poles and Polish lands, by force attached to the USSR.
The Red Army together with the NKVD carried out cultural cleansings, which were besides helped by Ukrainian nationalists and murders, looting and deportation of the Polish population into the russian Union. Polish intelligences, landscaping, military-civil administration and the Roman-Catholic Church were peculiarly combated. There was mass robbery and demolition of Polish national property in Polish lands annexed by the USSR.
The business of this part of Poland, which was in russian hands after 17 September - about 52% of Poland, was utilized by Soviets not only to execution the Polish nation and its elites, but besides as a laboratory of future staff that shaped the alleged Polish People's Republic (PRL). These people ruled Poles from Moscow for over 50 years, they were frequently from russian collaborators and national traitors. Their descendants have sometimes survived at the helm of power to this day, occupying crucial places in the social structure and deliberately block the disclosure of the full fact about 17 September 1939, namely about the 4th partition of Poland as well as 4 June 1989.
As a consequence of planet War II, about 6 million Poles died, and in 1939 – 1947 in the Volynian Reich and crimes committed by the CNS – UPA in east Małopolska – about 200 000 Polish citizens lost their lives in the most cruel way, including children, pregnant women and old people.
Poland from the country that formed the foreground of Christianity became the foreground of Mongolian paganism.
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