THE evidence FOR INCOME
November 11, 1918.
Independence of Poland. Molotov called her “a monstrous bastard of the Treaty of Versailles”. Stalin spoke of it as “o, sorry for the expression - state”, and for J.M. Keynes, the theorist of modern capitalism was “an economical impossibility whose only manufacture is judaic food.”
Lewis Namler thought she was "pathological," E. H. Carr called her a "farce". David Lloyd George spoke of the "defeat of history", claiming that "she gained freedom not by her own effort, but by human blood" and that she was a country that "imposed to another nations the same tyranny" that he himself endured over the years.
Poland, he said, is “drinked with the young wine of the freedom that the Allies gave it”, and “considers itself an irresistible charming lover of Central Europe”.
In 1919, Lloyd George said that “he would have given the monkey a watch alternatively than the advanced Silesia Poland”, and in 1939 he declared that “Poland deserved its fate.”
Adolf Hitler called it “a state that grew out of the blood of countless regiments, a state built on strength and ruled by the batons of police and soldiers, a ridiculous state in which sadistic beasts vent their perverse instincts, artificially conceived state, a favourite peaceful dog of Western democracy, which cannot at all be considered a cultural nation, alleged state, without any national, historical, cultural or moral basis.”
The convergence of these feelings, as well as the way they are expressed, is obvious.
Rarely, if ever, a country which has just gained independency has been the subject of equally krasomous and equally unjustified insults.
Rarely, if ever, were British liberals as careless in formulating opinions, or choosing companionship.
When the First planet War broke out, 1 of Józef Piłsudski's co-workers wrote: "No 1 in the planet wants Poland".
British Prime Minister Herbert Asquith spoke shortly before the war to an outstanding pianist and advocate for the Polish origin in the West of Ignacy Paderewski: "There is no hope for the future for the Fatherland of the Lord."
This meant that at the time of the war, the Polish case was considered in Europe an interior problem for Russian invaders, who, with France and the United Kingdom, were in the entent camp and fighting this alliance of central states – Germany and Austro-Hungarian.
Regardless of this, the commanding forces fighting with each another on the lands of the Polish army of possessive states wanted to guarantee the favour of Poles.
The Russians issued a call in which they appealed to the eternal, supposedly common conflict between Slavs and Germanic aggression and promised to unite Polish lands "free in faith, language and self-government".
This declaration did not have the least value, and was issued by uncle Tsar Mikołaj II – Mikołajewicz – chief of the Russian army.
Even more general promises were made by central states, limited to calling for a fight against east barbarism.
The leaders of the 2 main Polish political camps were aware of this hard situation, of which the national democratic represented anti-German orientations and the irredentist – anti-Russian.
Dmowski supported your entents who fought against Germany.
He hoped to unite all the lands by Russia, which would consequence in Poland having a chance to regain independence. However, the outbreak of the war did not change the Russian policy towards Poles who were considered part of the Russian society by both the Tsar administration and the political elite.
The control of the Kingdom of Poland by central states in August 1915 did not change the attitude of the Russian authorities towards Polish aspirations.
In this situation, Dmowski, whose actions in Russia did not produce results, went west, where until the February Revolution (1917) he unsuccessfully tried to get the French and British authorities curious in Polish affairs.
On the another hand, Józef Piłsudski, according to pre-war declarations, was on the side of central states, but did not exclude changes in direction in the future. Organized and commanded by Józef Piłsudski, shooting troops with the approval of Austria and Germany in early August 1914 entered the territory of the Kingdom of Poland in order to make an uprising against Russia.
This effort resulted in a fiasco, soldiers of Józef Piłsudski did not gain support from the Polish society, which called for a fight for independency took indifferently, and sometimes, reluctantly.
The scorer's independency action was condemned by the Kielce Bishop Augustyn Łosinski.
Józef Piłsudski was supported by Polish politicians from the Austrian partition who formed the Chief National Committee and with the approval of Austrians took over political sovereignty over gunmen.
POLISH LEGINES
This is how the Polish Legions began to be created. They consisted of the earliest-established 1st Brigade, which was commanded by Józef Piłsudski, 2nd Brigade since 1916 commanded by Józef Haller, and 3rd Brigade (one of its commanders was Bolesław Roja).
The Legions' goal was to fight Russia for Poland's independence.
The indifferent attitude of Polish society towards Legions began to gradually change, and the belief in the fight against independency was besides strengthened.
A remarkable function in changing the views of Polish society was the legionaries' battles, where they were celebrated for their heroic charge under Rarancza, and the conflict of Kostuuchnówka in Volyn – as actions of the Polish Legions conducted on 4-6 July 1916 in Volyn against troops of the Russian XLVI Army Corps, leading the attack as part of the Brusław offensive.
Despite the panicful escape of the Austro-Hungarian troops on the right wing (1280 honved brigade), Poles did not let the front to be broken, taking out the repeated attack of the Russian infantry division respective times (composed of 397, 398, 399, 400, infantry regiment). Deprived of support for artillery and communication, legion brigades counted a full of only 5500 bayonets, facing 13,000 Russians.
The most severe battles were fought by the 1st Brigade of the Polish Legions under Józef Piłsudski, and especially her 5th Infantry Regiment, whose combat losses exceeded 50%.
In the fall of 1915, Polish Legions concentrated on the Volyn Front.
By the end of 1916 they participated in fierce battles with the Russians.
In 1915 Commandant of the First Brigade Józef Piłsudski began to halt recruiting for the Legions and to make the Polish Military Organization (POW) – like Legions intended to fight for independence, but operating in a conspiracy.
THE president OF THE UNITED STATE OF WILSON
On January 22, 1917, the president of the United States (who shortly joined the war on the entent side), Woodrow Wilson issued a message in which he stated, among others, that everywhere statesmen agree that united and independent Poland should be established. The President's position was the consequence of the treatments of an outstanding statesman and pianist Ignacy Paderewski.
On January 8, 1918, president Woodrow Wilson issued a message in which he mentioned 14 conditions for future peace, point 13 recognises the request to make an independent Polish state with access to the sea.
VERSE DECLARATION
Another highly crucial event was the Versailles Declaration issued on 3 June 1918 by the Prime Ministers of France, large Britain and Italy. It states that the creation of an independent Polish state is simply a condition for lasting peace in Europe. Earlier, in the country on 12 September 1917, it was appointed by German and Austrian occupiers to service as a temporary Polish state authority.
On 7 October, the Regency Council issued a manifesto to the Polish people, in which the creation of an independent Polish state was recognized as the main goal of Poles.
On 10 November, Józef Piłsudski arrived in Warsaw after being released from Magdeburg prison.
The return of the Commandant of the First Legion Brigade to the country coincided with the ceasefire between Germany and the entent on 11 November, which ended the First planet War and at the same time proved to be the creation of the Polish statehood, with the entrustment by the Regency Council of Józef Piłsudski of command over the Polish Armed Forces.
On the same day Warsaw was liberated from the Germans.
It was the individual success of Józef Piłsudski, who established negotiations with representatives of the German garrison of 30 1000 in the Polish capital.
Under the agreement, Germany not only had to leave the Kingdom of Poland, but besides left a crucial part of the weapons and another military equipment.
In all the centres of power established on Polish lands but Wielkopolska, it was agreed that the most appropriate individual to take over the state was Józef Piłsudski, who established the first government of the Republic of Poland on 18 November 1918, whose prime minister was Jędrzej Moraczewski.
Józef Piłsudski became Interim Chief of State – he appointed a government and elder officials and approved decrees issued by the government.
EVENTS IN THE LEVEL FIGHT
Meanwhile, the Polish-Ukrainian War (1918-1919) was ongoing, an armed conflict over nationality inhabited by Poles and Ukrainians of east Galicia.
The parties to the conflict were proclaimed on 1 November 1918 by Ukrainian society of east Galicia - West Ukrainian People's Republic on 1 side and Polish society of Lviv and the local Lviv Committee for the Protection of Public Goods and Order (Temporary Government Commission), and after 11 November (in fact 22 November) the revived Polish state, on the other.
On October 7, 1918, the Regency Council announced a manifesto to the Polish people announcing the uprising of an independent Polish state.
The board of the city of Lviv so sent a letter to the Council of Regency on 11 October 1918, ensuring that the residents of the city will actively participate in the construction of the independent Republic of Poland.
Under the decrees of the Council and the order of its Military Commission, Colonel Władysław Sikorski began an organization in Lviv from erstwhile officers and private Polish Aid Corps troops of the Polish Army, setting up the territory Command.
Since the summertime of 1918 there have besides been Polish Military Personnel associated with National Democracy.
They were headed by Austrian Army Captain Czesław Mączyński, a associate of the National League.
During this time, the activities of Ukrainian independency organizations were revived.
In the first half of October 1918, delegates from lands belonging to Austro-Hungarian before the war were convened to Lviv, where Ukrainians – east Galicia, Bukovina and Zakarpacka Rusi lived.
On October 19, they formed the Ukrainian National Council, which announced the creation of a Ukrainian state from the east Galicia lands to the San River.
On 20 October, a resolution on the annexation of the city to Poland was adopted at the gathering of the City Council of Lviv.
The act was opposed by Ukrainian councillors who declared it illegal.
On 30 October, the commander of the Lviv territory of the Polish Military Organisation (POW) – Lt. Louis de Laveaux, during the briefing of the group commanders, informed that on the following day he planned the armed business of Lviv on behalf of the Republic of Poland, informing a akin action from Ukrainians.
He predicted the business of the Main Station with military warehouses, the planting of the Łychakovsky horn, and the seizure of the Town Hall, the Main Post and the command of Austrian troops in the governorship building.
On the same day, mobilization was besides announced, which met with a wide response, especially among young people.
At the time, “Orlęta Lwowski” was formed, recruiting from boys and girls who were under 18, representing all social strata. They represented the 4th part of the defenders and about the 4th part of over 5 100 dead on the Polish side.
Symbols of these Young Heroes – "Orlath of Lviv" became fourteen-year-old Jurek Bitschan and the youngest bachelor of the Virtuti Militari Cross thirteen-year-old Antoine Petrykiewicz . Jurek Bitschan wrote to his stepfather in a letter dated November 20, 1918:
"Dear Daddy, I'm going to the army today. I want to show that I will find the strength to service and endure. It's besides my work to go erstwhile I'm strong enough, and the troops will inactive be short for the liberation of Lviv. I've already done as much as I needed to. Jerzy’.
Jurek Bitschan died in an attack on the barracks other the Łychczak Cemetery.
In the area of the Henryk Sienkiewicz School on 5 November, 15-year-old Wilhelm Haluza was killed, about whom the episode commander expressed his highest appreciation. Fourteen-year-old Tadeusz Wiesner fought on Kulparków. Arrested at his parents' house, after a temporary failure of this territory by Poles, he was shot by Ukrainian soldiers.
The 14-year-old Tadeusz Jabłoński died in the attack at the Kadecka School. These are just a fewer examples of the heroism of the youngest defenders of Lviv, the city – Semper Fidelis.
On November 1, 1918 in the morning, soldiers under Ukrainian Military Committee, prior to the Polish action, took over most of the public buildings in Lviv.
In response, 2 Polish opposition points were created spontaneously, in the western part of the city, with very fewer initially and poorly armed crews.
This was the school of Henryk Sienkiewicz, in which the Polish Army Staff Battalion was located under the command of Captain Zdzisław Trześniowski and the Academic home at Issakowicz Street with a tiny group of POW soldiers.
Both facilities have launched defensive action.
The Chief Defence Command of Lviv was shortly established at the head of Captain Czesław Mączyński.
On 17 November 1918, the order of Józef Piłsudski, at his own request, at the head of the Chief Command of the Polish Army in east Galicia, commonly called the Army of the East, became General Tadeusz Rozwadowski.
The struggles in Lviv lasted until 21 November 1918, erstwhile Poles gained a crucial advantage.
To avoid the surroundings, commander of Ukrainian troops Colonel Hnat Stefaniw ordered Ukrainian troops to leave Lviv on the night of 22 November 1918.
The city was free but inactive besieged.
Similar occurrences occurred in Drohobych, Borysław, Sambor and Przemyśl.
On the night of 24/25 November General Tadeusz Rozwadowski arrived in the besieged Lviv and took command of General Bolesław Roi.
The orders of the fresh commander ordered the offensive to continue.
Gen. Tadeusz Rozwadowski stated that Polish forces are besides weak for this. Gen. Tadeusz Rozwadowski began transforming unequal numbers and undisciplined groups of volunteers into troops of regular army.
After withdrawing from the Lviv office of the Ukrainian Halician Army (UHA) she utilized to organize military troops.
In mid-December 1918, the Polish-Ukrainian front established itself on the line from Cisna to Chyrow, then along the Przemyśl-Lwów railway line to Przemyśl, back along the same line to the Lwów prefield, then to Jarosław, via Lubaczów, Rawa Ruska, Bełz to Krylov.
As of the beginning of January 1919, Polish troops captured Uhnów and Bełz and captured the Jarosław-Rawa Ruska railway line, which gave them a good position for subsequent grappling operations.
At the end of December 1918, the Ukrainian Chief Command joined the offensive to take Lvov and displace Polish troops for San.
Gen. Tadeusz Rozwadowski in time perfectly guessed these intentions. According to his order, a group of Major Józef Sopotnicki hit the rear of Ukrainian troops besieging the city.
The losses caused by Ukrainians caused the defenders of Lviv, despite the hard situation in the city managed to repel the offensive.
Another unsuccessful attack on Lviv occurred in early January 1919. After his collapse, UHA Command planned to break the link between Lviv and Przemyśl.
"WOWCHECHOWSKI" OPERATION
It was the alleged "Wowczuchowska operation", which lasted from 15 February to 19 March 1919. Initially, it was successful (the merger was discontinued), but at the disadvantage of the Polish army the military mission of Ententa, led by General Joseph Barthelema (the Barthelem line).
The battles resumed on 2 March 1919, and on 19 March Polish troops took back the Przemysł-Lwów railway line.
The fresh proposal for a truce of the Council of 4 (led by General Bothy – the Bothy line) accepted the UHA Headquarters, but it was rejected by the Polish authorities and was transferred by Haller's army troops in force by 35,000 soldiers to the Polish-Ukrainian front.
In late April 1919, the Chief Command of the Polish Army developed an offensive plan against the Western-Ukrainian Army in east Galicia. The intent of the operation was to break up Ukrainian troops operating in Volyn and east Galicia, to guarantee the safety of the Polish population surviving in these areas, to recover the areas of east Galicia and to get a direct link between Poland and Romania.
Major forces were grouped under General Joseph Haller's orders. Their core was the 1st corps of Gen. Daniel Odra, 1st and 2nd firearm Divisions from the Polish Army in France, Operation Group of Gen. Aleksandra Karnicki, Lviv Infantry Division and Grouping
gene. Wacław Iwaszkiewicz with the operational group under his command
General Władysław Jędrzejowski and the recently formed 3 and 4th Infantry Division. In total, the combat position of Polish troops planned for the action was about 50,000 soldiers, 200 guns and 900 device guns.
Western-Ukrainian Army forces gathered under Gen. Mikhayl Omelianovich - Pawlenki, at that time had about 44,000 soldiers, 552 device guns and 144 guns.
In mid-May 1919, Polish troops launched an offensive in Galicia and Volyn.
On 14 May, General Joseph Haller, General Alexander Karnicki's Operations Group, and the Lviv Infantry Division, were the first to strike troops. On May 15, General Wacław Iwaszkiewicz's group entered the action, hitting from 3 sides on Sambor.
On May 25, Polish troops reached the Bolechów-Chodorów-Bóbrka-Busk line.
At the same time, on 25 May, the Romanian army together with the 4th Polish firearm Division began occupying the southwest areas of the Western Ukrainian People's Republic (ZURL) - Penance with the Wheel and the Dream.
Part of the Ukrainian troops (1st advanced Brigade of the UHA and the ‘Hłyboka Group’) lost contact with the main forces, and were forced to pass on the Zakarpata where they were interned by the Czechoslovak authorities.
"Churt Offensive"
This forced the UHA command to decision troops to the southeast of Galicia, bounded by the Zbrucz-Dniestr rivers.
After remainder and reorganization on 7 June, troops of the West-Ukrainian People's Republic (UHA) under General Alexander Hrekov joined the counteroffensive (the ‘Churt offensive’).
In dense battles they managed to reject Polish troops on the Dniestr-Gnieł Lipa- Przemysł-Podkań line, which awakened hope for victory, and consequently caused the Polish proposal of the covenant to be rejected and the creation of a demarcation line, called the Delwig line.
However, in a short time, the UHA forces were one more time pushed back to the starting positions above Dniester and Zbrucz. On 28 June 1919, the Polish army broke the front of Jazłowiec and on 16 July forced the UHA forces to retreat behind Zbrucz, to the territory of the Ukrainian People's Republic.
UHA troops were utilized to support URL troops in the fight against Bolsheviks. On July 25, the Second Halicki Corps started on the Bolshevik front, and the remainder of the UHA started on August 2, 1919 (Operation Kiev).
After taking Lviv, on 22 November 1918, Polish military authorities detained Ukrainian politicians as hostages: Juliana Romanczuk, Kyryla Studynski, Volodymyr Ochrymovych, Volodymyr Starosolski, Ivan Kiweluk, Volodymyr Baczynski, Ivan Kurovcia.
Then the internment action in Ukrainian camps was launched "suspected for activities to the detriment of the Polish state", including officials of the West Ukrainian People's Republic (ZURL), and soldiers of the Halic Army.
Internation camps were established in Brest, Dąbiu, Dęblin, Kalisz, Lviv, Modliny, Piculice, Przemyśl, Arrows, Szczpiornie, Tarnopol, Tomaszów, Wadowice, Wiśnicze.
At the end of 1919, there were a full of 23-24 1000 interned Ukrainians in the camps, and in full there were about 100 1000 Ukrainians. About 20-25 1000 died in camps, mainly due to typhus and dysentery epidemics.
By the decree of the politician of the State of 10 January 1919, the Polish Elimination Commission was liquidated. It was replaced by the Commission governing Galicia, Cieszynsk Silesia, Orava and Spiš. On 7 March 1919, a decree of the Council of Ministers established a General Government Delegate who held the powers of erstwhile Galicia governor, excluding from his jurisdiction the school board, treasury directorate, forest management and state property.
The Act of January 30, 1920 dissolved the National Sejm of Galicia and the National Department, introducing temporary self-government.
The Act of 3 December 1920 introduced a fresh administrative division of the erstwhile Kingdom of Galicia and Lodomeria with the Grand Duchy of Krakow and the area of Spiš and Orava into 4 provinces: Kraków, Lviv, Stanislawskie and Tarnopolskie.
Serious danger besides threatened the north-eastern lands of the Republic (including Vilnius), which were occupied by Bolsheviks after the withdrawal of German troops.
Soviet-Polish War began the aggression of russian Russia on Poland, which was after all this corridor leading to the Bolshevik conquest of Europe. The war began in early 1918 to extend the Bolshevik revolution in Europe. The political office of the Bolshevik organization - Vladimir Lenin, Józef Stalin, Lew Trocki, Lew Kamieniev decided about the war. There was only 1 way to accomplish their goal; the way to Berlin and the combination of russian forces with the power of German proletariat and industrialised economy.
And it would seem that Poland stood in this open door to Europe. Poland, a suburb of Christianity, intended to change the forces of the Bolshevik revolution to the Mongolian suburb, to bring its communist order. As early as November 1918, Joseph Stalin described the way to Europe as moving through the "Polish laundering" which the Red Army had to force in 1 attempt.
The Soviet-Polish War then entered a decisive phase.
Since January, the Red Army has been preparing a powerful strike which was to break up the Polish Army on the Belarusian Front in May. The politician of the state Józef Piłsudski wanted to inform about this attack and effort to carry out the most ambitious task.
He wanted to consolidate Poland's independency by yet breaking the imperial prison of nations east of it.
Ukraine's independency was not only to safe Poland, but besides to let the free improvement of smaller nations from the Caucasus to the Baltic. However, this has not been full achieved.
The independency component in Ukraine proved to be besides weak, and Poland's forces were not adequate to fight alone for the future of all east Europe, not only against russian Russia, but besides against the position of the major Western powers (France, the United Kingdom and the United States ), which were accustomed to see 1 origin of force - Russia in this area.
The United Kingdom in peculiar wanted to communicate with Moscow at the time even with the "red" Moscow as the only 1 to the east of Germany an crucial partner in arranging a fresh European order after the large war.
British Prime Minister David Lloyd George sought from April 1929 a direct agreement with Vladimir Lenin as the real host not only of Russia, but besides the patron of this fresh order in east Europe.
Poland's independent policy, taking into account the existence of another smaller countries in this area, as well as drawing attention to the ideological nature of the russian danger to Europe as a full - was only an obstacle.
Vladimir Lenin sent Lwa Kamieniev, a associate of the Politburo, to London to support the illusion of the russian state's agreement with the West at the price of giving the full east Europe under Moscow control.
However, as the military initiative was recovered in the war against Poland and the Red Army's advancement towards the west, he was tempted to throw the glove at the full Versailles strategy in Europe.
The Western front of Mikhail Tuchaszewski was to decision through the "white Polish troupe" in Berlin. Poland was not the only 1 to be popularized.
In the summertime of 1920, the scale of the Bolshevik leadership's ambition reflects the most complete exchange of messages between Vladimir Lenin and Józef Stalin (who straight oversaw the Red Army's attack on Lviv). On 23 July Vladimir Lenin wrote to Joseph Stalin:
"I think the revolution in Italy should be stimulated at the moment. I personally believe that Hungary should be sowed for this purpose, and possibly besides the Czech Republic and Romania." Joseph Stalin, who promised to occupy the Lions within a week, replied the next day - "Now that we have Komintern, defeated Poland and little or more decent Red Army, it would be a sin not to incite the revolution in Italy. The issue of the organisation of uprisings in Italy and in countries specified as Hungary, the Czech Republic, is to be addressed (Romania will be broken up). In short, you gotta rise the anchor and let yourself go until imperialism has made it as specified to repair its smashing car."
Joseph Stalin, before moving to Lviv, had already been able to make theoretically - systemic solutions to grow the russian empire. In an earlier letter to Włodzimierz Lenin, he pointed out that future russian Germany, russian Poland, Hungary, or Finland should not be immediately attached to russian Russia on the same national rule as Bashkiria or Ukraine, but they deserve the introduction of the Confederacy principle, temporarily honoring the traditions of their state distinctness. Lew Trocki, in turn, insisted on July 17 on increased agitation among Polish workers and peasants in order to instill in their consciousness fresh national heroes, whom they had not known before, accompanied by Dzierżyński, Marchlewski, Radek, Unszlicht and others. They were to replace Piłsudski, Dmowski, Witos or Paderewski in fresh Poland.
TO KILL POLAND
The second legislature of the Communist global was held in Moscow. The delegates looked enthusiastically at the large map, on which red flags moved to the west all day. Isaac Babel, a large writer, and in the summertime of 1920 a polytrud accompanying the 1st Horse Army of Semyon Budionny in a large rally on Poland wrote his impressions of this moment:
- "Moscow newspapers dated July 29. The beginning of the Second legislature of the Komintern, the unity of the peoples, all clear ; there are 2 worlds and war is declared. We will fight forever. Russia has challenged. We're going deep into Europe to conquer the world. The Red Army has become a origin of global importance".
Enthused by the beginning prospects of Vladimir Lenin, he urged with impatience for the Politburo gathering on 12 August.
"From a political point of view, it is crucial to kill Poland".
I'M NOT GOING TO DO IT.
However, Poland was not able to scope it. The disappointment of Vladimir Lenin was great. The clash with the force established in the vast majority of society of mature patriotism was a fresh phenomenon for the Bolsheviks.
The effort to sovietize Poland crashed about what Richard Pipes called European nationalism, and what so positively distinguished the situation of Poland from the social anomaly on which Bolsheviks built their success in Russia, Ukraine or Belarus.
A CURRENT NETHERLANDS
"Cursed Dark Poland", as Kliment Woroszylov wrote on 4 September, a companion of Józef Stalin from the fight at Lviv - showed "szovinism and blunt hatred of 'Russian'". For the next 20 years, the russian Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Romania, remained in force the peace treaties of the Bolsheviks with the "burly" governments of the tiny Baltic republics. Vladimir Lenin verified decisively the full of his strategy: "moral" and material aid for the origin of revolutions in imperialist states was to be maintained and even intensified, in peculiar in the colony, while direct military engagement of the russian state in the export of the revolution was excluded for many years.
In Europe, anyway. The Versailles strategy was saved for 20 years in the conflict of Warsaw and later in Germany. With it, the chance of independent improvement of Central and east Europe survived. At least parts of it and at least for a while. The price wasn't small. Nearly 1 100 1000 dead and dead in this war soldiers, young volunteers, whose symbol were Warsaw academics fighting under Radzymin under the spiritual leadership of the priest Ignacy Skorupka, Lviv academics (Orlęta Lwowskie - addition of AS ) from Polish Thermopil - Zadwórna, volunteers defending heroically Plock and Włocławek.
Let us not forget Polish prisoners who have never returned from russian captivity.
The most dedicated young members of the Polish Military Organization (POW) who collected intelligence in the back of the russian front.
In the shadow of the red star
The rations in this war were divided. surely not in July and August 1920. Violent, totalitarian russian imperialism carried physical and civilisational violence. He forced an identity change on his fresh subjects. They were to become followers of communist ideology, based in their core on class hatred, on a constant resentitude towards those who prosper better, towards those who believe in something better than the party.
Only those who defended Ossov, defended Poland, defended Europe, defended God were right. Not those who wanted to crush Ossians, Poland, Europe and God with the weight of a red star. And about this right, the Polish ration of August 1920, we must not forget.
We must not forget if we are to stay Poles, and besides if Europe is to preserve the core of its spiritual identity, 1 in which there is freedom and Christianity. In May 1920, erstwhile a Polish soldier struggled with the Red Army for the future of east Europe, Karol Wojtyła was born in Wadowice.
Imagine that Poland submits to the dictatorship of Vladimir Lenin in August
1920.
That a fresh one, tailored according to Stalin's project, the Polish russian republic, is emerging. Could young Karol Wojtyła hear about God?
Could he become a Pole?
These questions concern the full generation - the top most likely in the 20th century generation of Poles, born and raised in the free Homeland.
These questions besides concern us, children and grandchildren of this generation. These questions, questions about the memory of 1920 turn into even more serious questions today: do we want to proceed to be Poles, or do we want to fight (to fight our work, our courage to bear witness to their identity) for Poland and Europe faithful to their best spiritual traditions?
Do we want Poland to be independent, ready to support the freedom of the smaller nations of our part of the continent, or do we accept the function of pawns set on a geopolitical map by powers ignoring the smaller and weaker and imposing on them the absolutely dictates of their ideological preferences?"
The conflict of Warsaw – “The Miracle on the Vistula” – fought on 13-25 August 1920 during the Polish-bolshevik War - declared eighteenth in the list of landmark battles in the past of the world, decided to keep independency by Poland and not to spread the communist revolution to Western Europe.
A key function was played by the maneuver of the Polish Army flanking the Red Army carried out by the Chief Leader Józef Piłsudski, led from the Piglet on 16 August, while at the same time tying the main Bolshevik forces in the prefields of Warsaw.
Thus Poland saved itself and Europe from the defeat of "The Spectre circulating across Europe, the spectrum of communism", a program declaration by the Union of Communists (German Communist Party) written by Charles Marx and Frederick Engels in the late 1847s and 1848s and announced in February 1848 in London.
"THE ACTIVITY OF THE BALANCE IN THE WORLD"
EDGAR VINCENT. VICEHRABIA D'ABERNON ;
Edgar Vincent, Viscount D'Abernon (born 19 August 1857) – British politician, diplomat, writer, Warsaw conflict ("Under Warsaw 1920") rated the "eighteen decisive conflict in planet history" In his book "The Eighth decisive conflict in the past of the world", the year of the 1932 edition wrote, among others:
"(...) Modern past of civilization knows fewer events, having a meaning greater than the conflict of Warsaw in 1920. He doesn't know 1 that's little appreciated... If the conflict of Warsaw ended with a triumph of the Bolsheviks, there would be a turning point in the past of Europe, for there is no uncertainty that with the fall of Warsaw the Central Europe would have opened up to communist propaganda and to russian invasion... in many historical situations Poland was the foreground of Europe against the Asian invasion... at no point in merit, located by Poland were greater, in no case was the danger more dangerous... The triumph was achieved thanks to the strategical genius Józef Piłsudski, 1 man and thanks to his action so dangerous that it required not only talent but besides heroism(...)".
The conflict of Germany
After defending Warsaw, however, the war was not yet settled. At the end of August, on the confederate front of Komarów, the Polish Army defeated the Budionny Horse Army, and in the second half of September 1920, on the northern front it broke down the Bolsheviks in the conflict of Germany.
The conflict of Niemne – a decisive conflict of the Polish-bolshevik War, fought on 20–26 September (some sources state that until 28 September) 1920. This was the second major military success of the Polish Army in counteroffensive against the Red Army after the conflict of Warsaw.
Invaluable merits in the triumph over Bolsheviks were brought by Polish radio reconnaissance – the most excellent origin of cognition about the Red Army's activities, which was decoded by radio messages about the enemy's plans (including Polish cryptologists before the conflict of Warsaw broke the code “Revolution”, which was utilized to encrypt the orders of the army attacking Warsaw).
RESPONSIBILITY
Marshal Józef Piłsudski regained independency for Poland after 123 years of occupation.
The Polish Legions – I Cadrow under His command sang the anthem:
Legions are a soldier's shoe
Legions are a sacrificial pile
Legions are a knight's note
Legions are the losers!
Refren
We First Brigade
Shooting cluster
We put our lives on the pile
To the stake - to the stake!
We don't want your approval anymore.
♪ Don't say your tears ♪
The days of knocking are over
To your souls into your hearts
Refren
We First Brigade
We had a fire of zeal
Youthful religion Inflamed by the scribe
Let Your Life Be Perfect
And your blood and dreams
Refren
We First Brigade
I can do it present for posterity
The remnants of their days
Among falsehoods sow nobility
They're burning their bodies with their blood
Refren
We First Brigade
They shouted we were stumanites
Don't believe us to want it to be possible
We shed blood alone
And with us was our dear chief
Refren.
We First Brigade
Authors of the Legion anthem are Tadeusz “Kostek” Biernacki, or Andrzej Hałaciński. As Biernacki claimed, he arranged the text together with his colleagues at night from 16 to 17 July 1917, erstwhile they were transported as interns by the Germans to Szczypiorna in connection with the oath crisis. Halaciński besides admitted to the song and claimed that it was created in Tyrol in the same 1917. Józef Piłsudski called her “the proudest song Poland has always created”
Documents, sources, quotations:
- Dr. Lucyna Kulinska – lectures,
- Prof. Andrzej Nowak lecture "Solidarnia 2010",
-prof. Andrzej Nowak "The Heritage of 1920" -/"Our Journal" 13 - 15 August 2011/,
- Prof. Lech Wyszczelski "War on the East Crests 1918 – 1920
- prof. VHR. D’ABERNON "The Eighth decisive conflict in the past of the planet under Warsaw 1920".
- Adam Dziurok, Marek Gałęzowski, Łukasz Kamiński, Filip Must “From independency to Independence”,
- Norman Davies “God's Games”,
- ‘The Voice of Poland’ Toronto – Own works by Aleksander Szumański
