The "Polaka Codex" was published by the “Szaniec Library” in 1940 and 1941. In the introduction the authors indicate the reason for the publication. They consider it essential to teach the Polish nation a moral attitude and a self-sacrifice fight in decisive moments for the nation, especially specified as the war that has been going on since 1939.
The authors appeal that Poles, at this hard minute for Poland, preserve A dignified attitude towards the possessors.[1] Bearing in head the first years of war, the authors highly appreciated the attitude of the nation, which in most cases had first contact with the cruelty of war. In the next part of the Code, they observe the danger of loose morals and the failure of morality, which, according to the authors, is simply a typical phenomenon for times of war. The main threat by authors of the Code is West barbarism. Introduction to the publication is of a character that motivates the reader to strictly follow the Codex, Not for show and not since Christmas, but all day, without effect and immediate reward.[2]
SEE ALSO: Propaganda anti-German national camp in conspiracy. “Szanec” – a biweekly survey of Polish cases in captivity
In the main part of the publication, the creator began by discussing the basic problems concerning the current situation of Poland between 2 criminal and hostile totalitarianisms, the description and characterization of everyday life under business and (in the sub-section "a") the obligations of Poles towards the Nation and the State. The publication places peculiar emphasis on threats from the German occupier, both from the repression apparatus and from the administrative institutions. Therefore, already in the sub-item “d” the creators defined the relation which should characterise Poles in confronting the everyday life of the German occupation.[3] Furthermore, in 2 points, the problem of native collaborators, namely volksdeutsch, was addressed in detail, to which, according to the authors, it should behave with contempt that citizens of the Republic deserve, who renounced it for individual gain.[4] Contact economic, industrial, commercial or craft establishments, established by Germans or alleged ‘volksdeutschów’should be subjected to a ruthless boycott.[5] However, the proposed ban on contact with German institutions was taken out by persons incapable to supply basic means of subsistence for their family, or those who are forced to contact the institutions of business due to private business.
In the further part, the authors inform against Germanization in the information and culture sphere, prohibiting reading newspapers published by Germans and giving interviews to them. The best, according to them, to counter hostile propaganda written is to read and distribute Polish underground press.[6] This postulate was dictated by pre-war experiences related to German cultural expansion and propaganda, which was peculiarly active in the activities of national-socialist German militias in the Free City of Gdańsk, where silent Polish-German war was fought until the outbreak of the war.[7]
Similar recommendations were made by the authors to the artists' environment who were banned from supporting events organised by the German authorities. A boycott of authoritative events was ordered, a ban on working in German amusement venues, social networking with representatives of the German administration and officers of the military-police apparatus was recommended.[8] The planet of culture, mostly governed by its principles, was characterized by a free lifestyle, so that it could be utilized skillfully by German propaganda and have a devastating effect on the morale of Polish society. The loudest specified case was the case of the Warsaw actor Igo Sym (actually Karol Antoni Julius Sym), who, being an agent of Abwehra, was liquidated for collaborating with the German occupier by counterintelligence of the Home Army in 1941.
SEE ALSO: "Shaniec Group". Geneza, postulates and political program of the National-Radical Camp in the conspiracy
Germany, in order to weaken the moral backbone of the Polish society, which, despite the horrors of the war, remained faithful to the principles of Catholic education, tried to provide, through films, cabarets and performances, amusement at a very low level, promoting vulgarity and a simple message which was to corrupt and corrupt Poles. What was peculiarly promoted by the Reich's 3rd propaganda device was pornographic films, which aimed at undermining morality and referring to the most primitive, according to the Germans, instincts of the inferior Slavic race. Thus, in addition to the prohibitions contained in the cultural section, authors order absolute social ostracism towards those who, despite the severe national experience, keep contact with Germany, contributing to the demoralization of Polish society.[9]
The authors further formulate orders to civilian institutions and offices. This section was dedicated to lawyers, judicial staff, safety services and administration. The creators of the Code cooperation with the occupiers in their political activities and in all circumstances related to their fight with the Polish Nation and the Polish State is strictly prohibited.[10] There are known cases erstwhile the Germans carried out murders on the civilian population, both Polish and Jewish, and later utilized the propaganda of the occupier.[11] The overzealousness of Poles was feared, who, in cooperation with the German occupier, would lose their conscience and morals, becoming coworkers of the occupier oppressing Polish society and complicit in crimes committed in the Polish people.
The "codes" of restrictions besides included the economical sector. In a point devoted to the economy, it was suggested that in industry, trade and crafts employment Poles and advance Polish products.[12] According to the authors, the Polish entrepreneur should be characterised by social solidarity, thanks to which Polish society will be able, under the best possible conditions, to last the occupation.[13] They warned against supporting German entrepreneurs, who, brought from Germany, took over Polish production facilities, treating the Polish individual as a slave, frequently utilized to the limits of physical endurance.[14] It is crucial to remember that on occupied Polish lands Germans confiscated all private property, and the current Polish managers, including farm owners, were replaced by managers imported from Germany. According to the assumptions of the occupier, the manufacture and the natural materials it produced were to be utilized to the maximum extent, serving the German public.[15]
At the end of the publication, the authors of the “Poles Code” observe that proceeding against these principles and guidelines is simply a clear action to the detriment of the Polish Nation, which cannot get distant with impunity without appropriate consequences.[16] They besides inform not to treat the Code as a mechanical solution and ready-to-use consequence on matters raised in it. According to the authors, it is to act as a signpost, whose task is to effectively defend Polish society from the negative effects of the occupation.[17]
Bartosz Tomczak
[1] Red. M. Orłowski, The 1939–1945 national camp conspiracy brochures. “Szaniec” Group, National Armed Forces, Secessionists from “Big Poland”‘ Poznań 2014, p. 13.
[2] Red. M. Orłowski, The 1939–1945 national camp conspiracy brochures. “Szaniec” Group, National Armed Forces, Secessionists from “Big Poland”‘ Poznań 2014, p. 14.
[3]Maintaining a full reserve and dictated by the sense of national dignity of moderation in any relation with the occupier is the work of all Pole. Further read that any factual information that may facilitate their awareness of the situation should be avoided.. [in:] Red. M. Orłowski, The 1939–1945 national camp conspiracy brochures. “Szaniec” Group, National Armed Forces, Secessionists from “Big Poland”, Poznań 2014, p. 17.
[4]Ibid, p. 17.
[5]Ibid, p. 17.
[6]Ibid, p. 20.
[7] Informs at least Paul Hulka-Laskowski in the 1939 Literary News, No. 31−32 (823−824), which he observes by expanding threat from Germany, considering Today, even a tiny kid understands that the programme of Nazism aims to cut Poland from the sea, weaken it and become dependent on itself. At the same time, it notes that Germany does not request Gdańsk as a port, due to the fact that specified Gdańsk has more than they presently need. Germany does not search to regain Gdańsk for the Reich solely for prestige reasons, but it has seen the suppression of Poland, according to “Mein Kampfu” program and long-established. [in:] P. Hulka-Laskowski, Poland Gdansk and history,http://retropress.pl/English-gdansk-i-history/, 05.05.2019
[8] Red. M. Orłowski, The 1939–1945 national camp conspiracy brochures. “Szaniec” Group, National Armed Forces, Secessionists from “Big Poland”), Poznań 2014, pp. 22−23.
[9]Ibid, p. 24.
[10]Ibidp. 25.
[11] It shall inform No. 15 ‘Szaniec’ of 9 April 1940: Starting with 25 III, the occupiers arrange pogroms of Jews in Warsaw. On a larger scale, specified pogroms were held in bazaars, Stalowa Street, Ząbkowska Street, Mirowski Halls, Kercely Square, Krochmalska Street, Old Town Street. Individual judaic shops and apartments were broken up throughout the city. A single template was visible everywhere: gangs of street scum were brought to the site of the pogrom, who, under the leadership of the Volksdeutschs, joined the work in the presence of the police and German MPs.
[12]In the sale of goods, products should be sought first of all Polish customers in the country. [in:] Red. M. Orłowski, The 1939-1945 National Camp Conspiracy Brochures. “Szaniec” Group, National Armed Forces, Secessionists from “Big Poland”, Poznań 2014, p. 27.
[13] Social solidarity was popular in the ideology of the Polish national camp before the war. It was based on the encyclical of Pope Leon XIII "Rerum Novarum".
[14] Red. M. Orłowski, The 1939–1945 national camp conspiracy brochures. “Szaniec” Group, National Armed Forces, Secessionists from “Big Poland”, Poznań 2014, p. 27.
[15] A. Albert, The latest past of Poland 1914–1993, p. I, Warsaw 1995, p. 429.
[16]Ibid, p. 28.
[17]Ibid, p. 28.
