Łukasz Łachecki: You joined Political Criticism in 2007. What was the attitude of this environment to post-communists?
Michał Sutowski: 1 of the objectives of Critics was to build the intellectual base of the fresh left in Poland, based on another sources, traditions, ideas and people than this post-communist, overly in love with capitalism, rather conservative and frequently opportunistic. That's why we were publishing books, writing, organizing debates and bringing intellectuals from abroad.
Only that we always played double-track and maintained a relation with this left, which was just then. For example, the gathering of Sławek Sierakowski and Wojciech Olejniczak at a cafe on the Square of 3 Crosses, after which the head of the SLD was to dissolve the coalition of the Left and Democrats.
What about your individual views?
I have never had a peculiar obsession with post-communism: in my late-term years, erstwhile I became seriously curious in politics, the governments of the SLD were not only associated with linear tax, Iraq War and scandals, from Rywin to Starachowice, but besides with the introduction of Poland into the European Union in spite of various Rydzykom and another Giertych.
It was simply part of the establishment of the 3rd Republic, for good and for bad, but the pro-European part. I did not think of them as a cancer to be cut out, like the then mainstream right, as well as part of the left. And in my household I had mixed traditions – my dad paid contributions to underground “Solidarity”, even to the neighbour from the block, but for example my grandmother's sister was a associate to the Sejm in the first half of the 1980s, and my uncle was a delegate from Koszalina for the 11th legislature of the Polish National legislature – and the founding legislature of the SdRP. In specified circumstances, it is hard to consider the division of "Solidarity" versus PZPR as fundamental to identity.
However, your main interests in political past at the time were not focused on the PPR.
Because I besides read “Gazeta Wyborcza” from childhood, and in advanced school I read Eisler’s book on “commandos” and of course Faith and Guilt Kuronia – hence someway closer to me was the opposition tradition, the 1 from the March-Korowska line. This coincided with the views of the leaders and leaders of Critics erstwhile I came to her – but apart from the snobbery of the radicalized children of Michnik or the grandchildren of Modzelewski at the same time we wanted to combine different environments. Especially during the period of long-term left-wing sadness, especially after 2015, we were advocates of joining left-wing political formations, we even animated meetings of leaders from Together through Spring to SLD, for example within the Academy of Social Democracy.
Michał Sutowski and Łukasz Łachecki at the "Political Critics Dream" cafe. photograph by Jakub SzafranskiIt seemed to us that these different wings, any of the post-communal, the another of the anti-postcommunal, were someway doomed to each other. But this is all about the time erstwhile my hero was already a political retired – erstwhile I graduated, Alexander Kwasniewski remained small more than a year until the end of the second term.
Have you late written about Chosen One, a movie about Donald Trump, looking at him through the prism of the transformation that capitalism entered in the early 1970s. Can the beginning of the political way of Alexander Kwasniewski tell us something about Poland that time?
Kwasniewski went to college in the fall of 1973, that is, in the highest minute optimism of the Game Age. The production tape in Bielsko-Biała consisted of the first tiny ones, real wages grew as never before, full settlements, even full fresh cities grew in the eyes, how many-62 flew to America, large industrial investments, road investments, etc. were made, and Poland defeated 2:0 England in Chorzów.
Poland grows stronger, people live better.
Jacek Kuron wrote about this with large frustration: few people care about anti-system activities, people save on their M, holidays in Bulgaria and fiats 126p, Gierek buys society and people are, in principle, full of hope for a socialist consumer society. Many people truly believed that in Poland it was possible to live well and possibly even start catching up with the West. This horizon is very crucial – the first half of the 1970s is the time erstwhile the West, real and dreamt, became a fresh mention point for most Poles and Poles.
For the first time – after years of anti-Western propaganda. Why then?
Once that in adulthood there was a generation that did not remember either the sanity, the occupation, or the years of the "great fear" just after the war, Stalinism frequently did not – so they could not feel satisfaction or relief that it was not as terrible and miserable as it utilized to be. They had higher aspirations. At the same time, there was an beginning to the world: tv or press stopped writing about the West only negatively; many more people were leaving not only for the GDR, but besides further. And if individual did not leave alone, he had a brother-in-law or uncle who was in "NRF" or Sweden, and an American aunt's friend sent packages or dollar vouchers for buying in Pewkes. Engineers or traders went on business, sometimes on contracts...
It was a shared experience of society and the future president?
Young Kwasniewski was in the advanced part of the social pyramid – he had a doctor's father, and both parents were rather “worldly”, driving children abroad and sending them to abroad language classes. And for Game, it was easier to get a passport, so it was little about policy and more about money. He had them, as a student he could afford not only a flat in the Sopot State, in decent conditions, but besides to drive to the West. Yes, he went to work, and yes, in black, but thanks to his friends, mostly social, father – erstwhile he was little than 20, he saw England, then Sweden, and in Sweden he earned money to go to the States.
He touched what almost everyone dreamed of, so he definitely identified himself with the aspirations of average Poles, and at the same time these trips were additional reasons to enter the strategy and stay distant from the opposition – due to the fact that the disbeliefs had worse, and stopping the passport was possibly the most common form of repression at the time.
Can you treat the beginnings of Kwasniewski's career as a class promotion?
Nope. erstwhile that in the 1970s the class began to reproduce alternatively – due to the fact that the first generation of promotion already had children going to college, which was much easier than those from working or peasant families. This large social mobility of war ended somewhere in the late 1960s. And two, that Kwasniewski was in a privileged starting position. The doctor is an elite profession in all strategy and in all age; plus the father's abuse and educational liberalism of his parents created conditions for him to climb up beyond his family's Whitegard. In Tricity, where he went to economical studies, he didn't know anyone – but he was doing great, due to the fact that from home he raised the capital needed for it. Material, but above all cultural and emotional. He believed he could, and he had reason to.
At the time, politics was a good thought to get into this consumer boom? We don't think of the PZPR's verch as a detached bon vivant.
But besides not through PZPR Kwasniewski climbed the social ladder. Yes, he joins the organization in 1977, after the Radom accidents, has good contacts with the liberal secretary of Gdańsk KW Fiszbach, but he needs a card to have a holy peace and a career in the student movement easier. due to the fact that besides for people like him, with specified ease, with a good cognition of languages, and above all of interpersonal talents, much better career paths than the organization itself opened the authoritative student movement – SZSP, facilitating even trips abroad, but besides making contacts in the culture environment, in the press, and in administration.
What is his function in the then ZSP system, renamed at that time to SZSP? Is it a forge of organization staff or is it a window on the planet for ambitious... bananaists? Why is this a more convenient way to a career?
More comfortable for individual who likes and can talk to people, talk to them, convince them, but besides arrange behind the scenes, include coalitions, etc. In order to advance higher in the SZSP – to the Faculty Council, the University Board, the Provincial Board – it was essential to be elected by colleagues. surely not in opposition to the organization at the appropriate level, but the candidates were not brought to students in the briefcase; this powerfully distinguished the SZSP from the ZSMP, or de facto organization youth.
On the 1 hand, this about resembled organization politics in democratic conditions – specified a real one, not a textbook – and on the other, student movement not only forged and indoctrinated, but besides truly organized quite a few cultural events, ran student clubs, allocated dormitories and so on. In another words, he was in contact with real students, not just with organization candidates.
At the same time, all of this was not very akin to the career way in PZPR, to which Kwasniewski was much worse prepared. It was alternatively essential to find any patron, individual higher, and hope that he would go up, and we with him – and he would not fall off the stool, so we would besides fly down. Kind of like the memorable monologue of Stanisław Angel from Alternatives 4.
Kwasniewski had no specified patron, his own Roy Cohn?
Kwasniewski, as his colleagues at the time emphasize, was able to shorten the distance towards people higher in the hierarchy and unite their sympathy. The promotion from Gdańsk to Warsaw in 1979 was due to wide contacts across Poland, but besides to the support of the president of the SZSP, Stanisław Gabrielski. Later, erstwhile he moved from the SZSP office to the student weekly “itd” as the youngest chief in history, he was supported by Tadeusz Sawic, then the president of the General Council.
Even later, he was supported by older fellow journalists in the “Standar of the Young”, then in organization positions, specified as Bogdan Jachacz or Jerzy Słowicki, or student movement activists like Stanisław Ciosek. As a minister, he was liked by legendary general Józef Kuropieska and could whisper good words about him, for example Czesław Kiszczak. But Kwasniewski was not addicted to 1 protector or even a faction for a moment, like anecdotal Chernienko from Brezhniev.
Avoiding "wetting" in the party, the connection with power by Kwasniewski in the 1970s and 1980s is rather symptomatic, but in the following years any mentors appear.
That's true, and most frequently in this role, it's pointed to Mieczysław F. Rakowski. surely he associated Kwasniewski as a superb editor-in-chief from the early 1980s, possibly he had participated in his promotion to the “Young Bar” due to the fact that he was then an influential deputy prime minister, with access to Prime Minister Jaruzelski's ear. Then he went off – in 1985–1988 Rakowski was only Deputy Marshal of the Sejm, and so on the side track – but besides started building his own environment, surrounded by young reformers. And he retained his influence on the general, so the decisive origin in the 1980s PRL.
And erstwhile this “highest factor” saw Kwasniewski and did this happen thanks to support within the party?
Jaruzelski straight drew attention to him even during the period erstwhile Kwaśniewski was the chief "itd". He liked the text, which contained a veiled but surviving polemic with the then guru of the opposition, or Adam Michnik and his Church, Left, Dialogue. The mention of this kind in the authoritative press was controversial due to the fact that Michnik was subject to strict censorship, but the general considered that this was an example of language and transmission that could scope the young generation. He praised him at a gathering with the journalistic elite of the Polish People's Republic of Poland, in 1983, and shortly afterwards Kwasniewski was promoted to head of the "serious" journal.
Because Jaruzelski did not buy himself a student magazine in the kiosk, individual had to propose it to him or put it on his desk, but who – we do not know that. It is said that any influence on this promotion may have been given by the youngest then secretary of KC Waldemar Swirgon and his subordinate Leszek Miller – the same! – unfortunately he did not decide to give me an interview for the book, so I cannot confirm it.
Is there any way to learn from this for today's policy? And to put it plainly – is Kwasniewski then a careerist, a businessman, or is he connected to clientelist agreements with patrons?
These are not conventional clienteleist arrangements. Kwasniewski did not have his minister Moczar, Szlachcic or another Olszowski, with whom he planned to approach and then follow him for power. The environment to which he was closest, or "reformers", or "liberators", was marginal in the PZPR. Rather, he built wide social-professional contacts, accompanied by a large ability to choose a squad of professional associates.
Elżbieta Isakiewicz, his subordinate from the "itd", mentioned, for example, that for his surroundings it was apparent at the time that the student magazine was a career stop, but at the same time specified a halt where he wants to accomplish something, do good writing, stand out for quality. He was constantly netting, making himself known to “the ones on the mountain”, while at the same time building the image of a technocrat and reformer with bold ideas. Always full loyal to outside power, of course, but inside, in talks with trusted and frequently influential people, constructively critical.
Returning to his first newspaper: is Kwasniewski elected as the chief ‘itd’ in akin ‘proto-democratic’ procedures as in the student movement?
It can be said that he was elected and, in fact, voted out by colleagues from the ultimate Council of the SZSP and accepted by the organization and the publisher of the letter, the Youth Publishing Agency. This was the very end of the carnival of "Solidarity", so there was no area for excesses specified as the choice of the editor himself. His predecessor, Zdzisław Pietrasik, later a movie critic known for “Politics”, was de facto elected by the editorial board, but it was a year earlier, just after August ’80. And he lost his position for “insterence”: the letter did not carry out the SZSP line, which was an organ, was besides close to “Solidarity” and NZS.
Kwasniewski clearly sought this job, due to the fact that the activity on the cultural section of the SZSP became increasingly difficult; under conditions of acute social conflict it became for the student community "regime"; in turn his organization lost members and remnants of prestige. "Itd", where he was placed just before the martial law, was an excellent lifeboat for him – and for the editorial office the "smallest evil" after her editor-in-chief was removed from the top.
Kwasniewski will work as chief ‘itd’ throughout the period of martial law.
He then managed to reconstruct the writing due to the fact that the authorities were planning to simply close it. As chief of the verification committee, although there is not much to say. The decisions to remove journalists from writing or at all are made de facto higher; any are able to defend, accept editors who are unemployed elsewhere and completely new. And by 1984, he creates an interesting magazine, focused on defending the interests of students and graduates and promoting technological education, especially computer science.
Of course, he defends the martial law and alleged geopolitical realities, but he tries to avoid the transmission of the "palkarski". He cultivates something like cryptoliberalism behind the veil of meritocracy, advocates the appreciation of the educated and refers to the language of expertise, competence, improvement opportunities for young people and so on.
Until it goes to “The Young Bar”.
Yes, writing much more crucial on the ideological front, but besides high-end. He promotes in the hierarchy of editors, but besides has little freedom; censorship works much harder here.
Is Kwasniewski a good primate? Does he have any accomplishments in management, in the media?
The fact is that he took over the newspaper, which was “right” and “on the line” to pain; individual told me that specified was Marxist, that even in KC they were incapable to read it – hence immense phrases. Kwasniewski increased his circulation in a year and a half, gave her a fresh drawing. More was written about sports and little about the last KC plenary; besides interesting materials about science, invention, technologies. This was primarily done by Vice-President Waldemar Siwiński, who came with Kwasniewski with “itd” and respective another journalists, specified as Jacek Klukowski and Piotr Aleksandrowicz. The crowning of the fresh image of the “Standar” was the legendary “Bajtek”: a purchased computer script, which began to appear after certain peripeties as a monthly addition to the journal. Kwasniewski himself did not write, he was the leader of the newspaper, but “Standar” is another example that he had a large talent for building a squad of very capable people.
The Fairy tale yet opens the way for him to a large policy.
Maybe even more Junior Academy of Skills – specified a quasi-sport plebiscite for young inventors and rationalists, which they organized with Siwiński, and which, again, made a large impression on Rakowski and Jaruzelski. In the last autumn of 1985, he resigned from being Prime Minister and appointed Zbigniew Messner, prof. of accounting, as a savior and reformer of the Polish economy, having previously furnished the government to him.
Again, it is hard to tell precisely who Kwasniewski was in it, but he was suited to the function of Minister for Youth, as a young, articulate and mostly promising minister. General Jaruzelski was desperately looking for an thought to scope the young generation and the chief of the "Standar" may have seemed the optimal candidate. He did in culture and student press, he was not ashamed to send him abroad or to tv – it made sense, in short.
Does Kwasniewski feel that this is an chance for him? Is he not afraid that this attitude of youth towards the organization will be more weighing on him than simplifying his career?
He himself likes to tell that he was well in the "Standar", and to the head of the UMR and Jaruzelski's right hand – General Janiszewski went for a conversation in jeans, not knowing precisely why they called him. However, the proposal was of a kind that is not rejected if you want to make a career within the system. So he was given an office, a ministerial title and the task of coordinating various government activities on youth issues. Without a large budget, however, he had respective ideas and above all an chance to build designation and good contacts. Especially due to the fact that no one, due to age and competence, treated him as a threat.
Couldn't he have grown on Messner?
An interesting thing told me at the time the head of Messner's political cabinet: it was clear to everyone at the time that the Prime Minister was not a political entity. It was known that the power was at Jaruzelski, and Kwasniewski understood it too. So he did his job: he organized camps for young people, awarded “creational youth”, drove around Poland and abroad, spoke and graced – and waited for his moment. Finally, Mieczysław Rakowski intervened in his career.
Did he get him a promotion?
Though he was threatened with degradation. In 1987 a improvement of government administration took place, his position was abolished and offices merged – youth were linked to physical culture, ergo sport. He was to become number 2 on the fresh Committee on Youth and Physical Culture – but he felt assured adequate that he wanted something more. He asked for Rakowski's intervention, and he convinced General Jaruzelski that alternatively of, as he planned, appointing a 64-year-old, prof. of AWF Ulatowski as a “man of youth”, it is worth betting on individual who inactive belongs to her.
It's like present giving TikTok a password to Włodzimierz Czarzaste and telling him to communicate with the Z generation. And Kwasniewski was how old at the time?
33, in the Polish People's Republic, they were inactive young. As a result, Kwasniewski lost his title as minister, but gained a serious office with serious funds. Additionally, a large chance for many abroad trips and contacts with the sports environment, in which he found himself very well. besides due to genuine and sincere passions from childhood, they were inactive vaccinated at home. But what may be most important, this position was fundamentally from the automatic, although informally, connected with the position of the president of the Polish Olympic Committee. After any perturbations, among others, thanks to the aid of older colleagues from the student movement, it was possible to finish his nomination – and just before the Winter Games in Calgary, that is, in January 1988, Kwasniewski became the head of PKOl.
Here I would let myself a small digression associated with modern times. Critics of Adrian Zandberg, for example, accuse him of being lazy. Now, on the occasion of the primaries in the KO, we besides see that the desirable feature of the policy from the top of power in the universal reception is instilled somewhat by the political counterpart of the "fuck-up culture" diligence – readiness to shake hands with all Poles, travelling primary cinema. Is Kwasniewski, with all his passion for comfort, or even splendor, or is he simply an aspiring and ambitious man, in the first years of his career, but besides later, already in the 3rd Poland, hardworking or lazy?
Kwasniewski undoubtedly liked to travel abroad, especially this western border of our block, he felt good at rauts and events which in the Olympic planet were and are highly lavish. Nevertheless, he would not only go there to drink drinks, but besides make individual contacts and make serious diplomacy – already in Seoul he will prepare the ground for restoring diplomatic relations with South Korea; inactive in Calgary he will meet Juan Antonio Samaranch, who will be very amazed that specified a young man is the head of the national Olympic committee. In the country, in turn, he will enter the Rakowski circle; they will get drunk together during a visit to Budapest, but they will besides make a relationship that will consequence in close political cooperation.
To the fresh Kwasniewski government will enter straight from the Olympics?
In Seoul he will get a call from the fresh Prime Minister – Rakowski is to be the "last resort" of Jaruzelski's team, due to the fact that in Poland everything is already falling apart. At the same time, debt, inflation, shortages of goods and waiting time for housing are increasing, but above all, the feeling of hopelessness is deepening. They strike shipbuilders, steel workers and urban communications, and people just don't believe that power has any thought of a crisis. In this situation Rakowski gets carte blanche on economical reforms.
So in a way coerced by Rakowski's circumstances, he can break off the organization chain?
It can act against the moods of the organization apparatus and with approval from Jaruzelski, who yet – besides late as it turns out – begins to realize how bad it is and how extremist changes are needed. And for that, Rakowski needs fresh people and employs reformers colleagues he has focused around him for the last 3 years. From the economy there will be a businessman Wilczek with Sekuła, and Kwasniewski is to spin everything else in the government: from the law on associations through general systemic changes to passports. If it wasn't for the young age, he'd even become the deputy prime minister he is anyway. Nevertheless, as Head of the Social and Political Committee of the Council of Ministers, he will be the 3rd or 4th man in the government.
The promotion from the head of the sedated PKOl to the 3rd individual in the government does not sound besides comfortable. alternatively like – maintaining proportions – replacing the position of president of Warsaw as president of the country, while the country of its neighbours is at war.
He's in a very interesting situation. He did his career through student movement, press, administration and government – not through the party. And he can thank the Spirit of Acts, for the PZPR is morbidly marazme, and Jaruzelski yet agrees to improvement as if against it; the government hangs on Jaruzelski and his surroundings, not on the organization apparatus. Kwasniewski gains perpetuity, so it turned out that his way of promotion – typical in the 1980s for a better educated part of the elite of power, the 1 from the young generation – was not only more convenient, but besides effective.
People like him, technocrats from the SGPiS, or simply colleagues from the SZSP, understood that if you wanted to stay in the system, to enjoy its privileges, it would be better to stick to a section of the press, youth movement or administration. It is crucial to avoid the corridors of the Central Committee of the PCR, due to the fact that it is simply a planet of opaque games where much depends on arbitrary decisions at the top. abruptly Jaruzelski, according to his own vision, “he will slip over his wings” and the career of the activist can abruptly collapse. The government and the vicinity were safer. Especially that in offices you gotta know something, and in KC not necessarily.
Merytorian young wolves, almost like brokers from movies about predatory reaganism!
This environment of Rakowski, which Kwaśniewski entered in the second half of the 1980s, consisted of people well educated, experienced in the West, and clearly conducive to marketplace reforms. Not only due to the fact that they did not believe in socialism, but due to the fact that they were not afraid of what might come after him. From capitalism they understood adequate to know that they had a good starting position for it – much better than the masses of average citizens, but even organization "downs" and a large part of the apparatus, paralyzed by fear of change and the ignorance of the world. They had cognition but, above all, “access”.
In addition, Kwasniewski may have been convinced that he would have managed in political competition. This is why – unlike his boss, Rakowski – he was not reluctant to talk to “Solidarity” and in the spring of 1989 he eagerly went to work as “the icebreaker” at the circular Table.
Michał Sutowski and Łukasz Łachecki at the "Political Critics Dream" cafe. photograph by Jakub SzafranskiWhat goals does Kwasniewski have on the circular Table, both individual and team?
Power sits down to talk due to the fact that there is no another way: the economy collapses, the West takes its time with loans, and even sensible government reforms require public acceptance. It shortly turns out that without any agreement with “Solidarity” Rakowski will be exposed to mass protests as his predecessor – and then who knows what will happen. What if something changes in Moscow and Gorbachev’s reforms are in favour of replacing any Kagiebov or military “baton”?
Of course, there were differences in the power camp. Rakowski hoped that as Prime Minister he would first carry out the key reforms, after which the situation would be improved, and then the power would be conducting talks with the opposition already from the position of regained force. That they would talk as equal partners, not as those who agreed to compromise from desperation.
But Rakowski's plan didn't work, so we had to get ready for a dialogue.
Rakowski did not sit down personally to talk to the opposition, besides due to the fact that the head of these talks on the part of the government delegation was General Kiszczak, Jaruzelski's most trusted man and the Minister of the Interior, and so formally subordinate to Prime Minister Rakowski. Without wanting to be subordinate to his... subordinate, Rakowski sent trusted people – Alexander Kwasniewski and Ireneusz Secula.
What duties fall on already busy Kwasniewski?
Kwasniewski becomes head of the Union Pluralism table, that is, the body that negotiates conditions for the re-legalization of "Solidarity". This is 1 of the 2 key topics, alongside the election Round Table. On the another side is 27 years older than him Tadeusz Mazowiecki, a very crucial figure of the alleged social side – this alone adds to Kwasniewski's splendour. Moreover, at this table there is OPZZ, who plays his own game against “Solidarity”, a possible competitor in the fight for a government of working souls. Kwasniewski manages negotiations very efficiently in this complex arrangement – pacifies extremist demands of OPZZ, while allowing power to avoid the most embarrassing solutions for it.
Which at the same time raised his position in his own environment, but besides opened up to fresh ones.
The brand of a good negotiator has already made himself at this table; it is besides good in statements for Television Journal. But truly key is Magdalena. Let us remind – this is about unofficial negotiations which take place in the villa of the Ministry of abroad Affairs close Warsaw, partially besides in the Namestnikowski Palace, which is commonly called Magdalena 2. If in any crucial subject the parties could not agree on the formal composition of a table or sub-table, then the number of negotiators from respective twelve to respective or even several, and there were distant talks in private.
Magdalena brought large achievements of Polish negotiation art, but not everything went smoothly.
At 1 point, there was a stalemate on the parliamentary elections, which was linked to the thought of granting the presidency to General Jaruzelski. He cared very much, let us add that these negotiations were successful at all, because, as I said, it was not known how much longer this window of possibilities Gorbachev created. The organization of power, the alleged coalition, so wants a strong presidency for Jaruzelski, but what will it do in return? It's about the Senate, so the second Chamber of Parliament, but who's gonna make it? The negotiators from the PZPR make various proposals, but all of them are ridiculous, they want to submit this legislature with any another already existing councils or bodies. This has nothing to do with democracy, and the Sejm is already expected to be "contracted": PZPR and its satellites are expected to get a pool guaranteeing the majority. They can't get along...
And then Kwasniewski gets in the game?
On 2 March in Magdalena, late in the evening, there is simply a major breakthrough in the political career of Alexander Kwasniewski.
A breakthrough that involves Jaruzelski's presidential ambitions?
The government side wants president Jaruzelski as a guarantor of the alliances and stableness of the full process, and the solidarity side does not want him. But she understands that she will gotta agree to it, but she will not give it up for free. And here Kwasniewski is the first to make them an offer, about which Wałęsa, Geremek or Mazowieckie are ready to talk seriously. Importantly, he throws this slogan without consulting him with the managements – neither Jaruzelski, nor Kiszczak, nor Janusz Reykowski, nor Andrzej Gdula or Stanisław Ciosek, or all those who are in the hierarchy on the government side. The thought is “free elections to the Senate”. It meets with the designation of "Solidarity" and confuse on the government side.
How do the PPR authorities respond to Kwasniewski's will?
First, Kiszczak, inactive from Magdalena, makes a tense call to Jaruzelski, but we do not know the course of this conversation. A day later Jaruzelski collects 8 key activists of the government side and after the discussion manages the vote – Kwasniewski of course defends his concept, but the consequence is tied. Then the general states that the thought must be discussed at the Political Office in the following days, but Jerzy Urban It releases information to the Western media that during the talks a proposal for free elections to the legislature was made. This, of course, makes it impossible to retreat from it.
We can be certain that Urban did not do so without Jaruzelski's warrant, which means the general accepted the unconsulted proposal.
And what happens then? Why, exactly, a breakthrough?
In the memoirs of Archbishop Gocłowski of Magdalena we will find a fascinating evidence that Kwaśniewski was really... the most crucial individual at the circular Table. And this is not a conspiracy theory, due to the fact that Gocłowski wrote about his circumstantial impressions: erstwhile the government organization had any uncertainty during the conversation, everyone looked at Kwasniewski's face, everyone including Kiszczak. Gocłowski is an experienced political player and I am convinced that his observations were correct.
However, I would have supplemented them with my interpretation: Kwasniewski, namely, got out of this action before the ranks. He acted like any kind of scout, violated the hierarchy in, or whatever, the key thing. And General Jaruzelski, this authoritarian control freak, thought it was a good idea. due to the fact that free elections are risky, but Kwasniewski sensed flawlessly, which is the most crucial thing now: that Jaruzelski should become president and that the talks should not break down.
Paweł Kowal will compose years later that this movement Kwasniewski "provided Jaruzelski's political future and himself a political position in the future". past is about to velocity up for him. Before 2 March, “he was promising well”, after that day he will aspire to be 1 of the quarterbacks. First in secret, then out loud. And in January 1990, he will take over a full lot of bankruptcy after the PZPR.
That's right, "bankruptcy." I mean – okay, it's successful, but it's inactive on the incorrect side of past and on the lost side of history. fewer participants of the circular Table from PZPR will later mention these events as a minute of glory.
No, they will mention that together with Wales, Geremek, Kuron and Michnik they brought us, Poles, democracy. But as for Kwasniewski himself – further events work for his position. inactive during the talks, he and Andrzej Gdula, especially with Michnik and Jack Kuron, get close. It will shorten the distance to the another side and already in early May, so 1 period before the elections, Adam Michnik will be helping him. He will execute with him in the debate in Gdańsk, he will tease, joke, play his own Kombatan card – but Kwasniewski will show solidarity to the planet as an interesting partner, worthy of a conversation. As a man with whom they will be beautifully different in the future democratic Republic, to pohybel to companions of rags, but besides zoological anti-communists. Which, as we know, won't aid Kwasniewski in the June elections – but it will be very costly in the close future.
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This is the first part of the conversation about Political biography of Alexander Kwasniewski. The second, dedicated to the period from the circular Table to the 1995 presidential election, will be published next week.
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Michał Sutowski– Politologist, postgraduate of MISH University College, translator, journalist. associate of the Political Critic squad and the Political Critic Institute. Book author Aleksander Kwasniewski. Political biography, whose first volume was released in the Political Critics Publishing home in November 2024, co-author of interviews-rek with Agata Bielik-Robson, Louisa Wujec and Agnieszka Graff. He writes about political economics, the upcoming EU apocalypse and more. He talks. Long.
