Orbána way to win

myslpolska.info 3 weeks ago

Why did Orbán and the Fidesz organization succeed? Why do they have no access to the sea, respective times smaller than Poland in terms of both the territory and the population of Hungary and their leader know how to accomplish political success and conduct policies in accordance with the Hungarian national interest?

Why is the Prime Minister of Hungary respected by the leaders of the top powers of the modern world? These are questions asked by many observers of political life in Poland. A fresh book Gábora G. Fodora ‘Orbán v Soros’ provides answers to them. It is besides simple due to the fact that it confirms respective almost eternal truths, but besides difficult, due to the fact that it is not about betraying political tricks or miraculous recipes. In fact, the classical conviction of Clausewitz is that "in war everything is very simple, but in war the simplest things are very difficult." The book combines very skillfully the past of the individual relationships of these 2 characters, with the most crucial conflict of our times, which has an almost apocalyptic dimension.

Their relation from friendly cooperation to irreconcilable hostility is, on the 1 hand, a individual and political conflict, but on the another hand, an almost Faustian conflict for the soul of humanity and the form of the world. The fact that everything happens in Hungary and within the Hungarian society, which is due to its culture, language, ethnicity in itself, as if a mysterious island on the map of Europe, adds to these struggles an amazing colour and it must be admitted that the author managed to usage this condition so that the book reads for moments almost like a subtle crime in which evil fights good, and both sides are convinced of their right.

And it started almost like anywhere in Central Europe in 1980. Hungary was even more indebted to the population than the PRL by economical necessity and as a consequence of the changing wind direction of past opened to the West. Like Poland, they joined the global Monetary Fund, just as Poland started cooperation with the planet Bank and as Poland began to let its citizens to participate in abroad wars and contacts. The emergence of the Soros Foundation in these countries was 1 of the manifestations of this trend. In Hungary, due to the fact that its owner and creator was a Hungarian hebrew who survived in this country, an ally of Hitler the Holocaust, it must have caused greater emotions, but who remembers those times, he remembers what excitement at Polish universities caused the first scholarships that the Batory Foundation, or Polish exhibition Soros, besides offered in the Polish Republic in the second half of 1980. In the Augustinian reality and in the atmosphere of widespread fatigue, the governments preparing to take the best positions in the fresh strategy of erstwhile PZPR activists and having akin objectives of appropriately profiled flushes after erstwhile Solidarity, this was a trailer confirming that the fresh 1 is near.

The first and most crucial phase of Soros' construction of a state in Kadarów was to search for people, candidates for his own army. At this phase Soros acted across political divisions, simply looking for people in whom he saw leaders of future public life. He subsidized both liberals and right-wingers, and erstwhile he found it beneficial he supported the liquidation of the sanitary cordon that was surrounded by post-communists. Orbán was then a bearded student and released a paper called “The End of the Century”, in 1988 he founded a student organization shortly converted into a organization called Fidesz. The event that showed his possible was the symbolic ceremony of the uprising leader of 1956. Imre Nagy 16 June 1989 erstwhile he proved to be a charismatic talker and called on the Soviets to leave Hungary. Soros so decided to invest in him and his colleagues. This was served by the scholarship system, from which Orbán himself, as well as his organization comrades, besides worked at his institutions, and the billionaire besides supported Fidesz. The leader of Fidesz was then besides a scholarship holder of the prestigious German Marshall Fund.

Orbán learned, watched, in the first elections to parliament after the fall of the east bloc Fidesz gained 7 percent and had already his MPs, but did not hold the power that the coalition of right-wing parties under the leadership of the Prime Minister took over Jozsef Antalla. Soros was dissatisfied with this power, as she refused to give the billionaire the most crucial Hungarian bank and industry, and started intensive efforts to make an anti-government front under the slogan of fighting fascism and anti-Semitism. However, to overthrow the government, cooperation with post-communists was needed.

In 1992. Orbán met Soros in fresh York and refused both to accept financial assistance for the organization and an alliance with post-communists. He shortly saw how costly the decision was. Fidesz' support, which was 40% a small over a year before the election, fell to 7% on election day 1994. The media, accusations of fascism and anti-Semitism, attempted to break Fidesz from the inside or to merge it with the Liberals of the Free Democrats organization (SZDZ) (taking into account any differences in the equivalent of the Polish Freedom Union), which Soros favored and which after the election co-ordinated with post-communists in the name of fighting fascist and anti-Semitic threats. Despite most of the coalitions tried to enlist Fidesz into the government. Supporting Fidesz intellectuals were straight exposed to the choice: either abroad scholarships and careers of a recognized publicist or a patch of fascist and eternal marginalization. Orbán convinced his colleagues that he had to refuse and won the election in 4 years. Then again, there was defeat and 8 years in opposition to win and regulation to this day in 2010.

This brief outline shows how experienced and stubborn the Hungarian Prime Minister present is. However, perseverance and experience are not the most crucial assets of Orbán and his formation. What is at the heart of success and what is different about Orbán and his squad from Polish counterparts is character, pride, cognition and knowing of the planet and a strong moral backbone.

Fodor's book shows that while the survey in the planet and abroad scholarships were an crucial component of political education, they did not influence Orbán's renunciation of his own views and his own political path. 1 of the key factors was... ingratitude. Gabor writes: “It was clear with Soros for Viktor that he did not should be embarrassed. The possibilities should be exploited, but they owe nothing to each other. It was in itself an outrageous position. SZDZ, who had debts to Soros and made a Faustian deal with him, always claimed that the fideszists were ungrateful. And Victor and his crew didn't even realize what they should be grateful for. According to Soros everyone can buy, but Viktor was not for sale.”

This “ingratitude”, that is, putting Hungary's interests first, orbán has repeatedly shown erstwhile it comes to his own career and the party's election result. This is illustrated not only by his relation with Soros, but besides with the US, regardless of the ruling overseas party. According to Fodor, Soros’ full activities go hand in hand with the Hegemonic interests of the United States, and his financial success is mostly attributed to information from the spheres of power and secret services. In this context, the behaviour of Orbán – the primary anti-communist that took place during his first reign from 1998 to 2002 is significant. Realizing that American Democrats funded by Soros are not his allies, after being taken over by Republicans and younger Bush Orbán refused to buy F-16 aircraft by choosing Swedish Gripeny. As a result, Fodor writes, “he was flooded with a tsunami of anger and hatred.”

But, according to the author, Orbán felt that: “America was a humiliating enemy, and according to Viktor, if we took on it, we would feel humiliated. American diplomacy is based on the rule of a receipt. They'll hand you a part of paper with conditions on it and anticipate you to accept what's written on it. Whoever dictates the basic principles is simply a hegemon, yesmen accept them without asking. And Viktor is in spite. Viktor was not and never became a yesmen (...) A U.S. embassy individual appeared in the office of 1 of the elder advisors of the Hungarian Prime Minister, pleading out and shouting what Hungary was imagining. due to the fact that let no 1 think that it matters to them that Viktor buys a fewer Gripens alternatively of an F-16 (of course it would be better, but in America they didn't care). The main problem was that it was a precedent and they hated it.” specified a clash with hegemon was 1 of the reasons why Orbán spent another 8 years in the opposition.

However, Orbán did not argue Soros and America, and then the European Union for its opposition itself, or to satisfy its own, organization or even national ambition. This was followed by a deep planting in values and knowing of the fundamental conflict that our planet shares. To realize this, Fodor in his book recalls that Soros is not just a businessman, but that his actions are driven by a circumstantial doctrine and a group of beliefs about what is good and what is bad. Soros is in specified a way, first of all, a philosopher who wrote even a lot and who, like Marx, felt that the philosopher was not adequate to realize the world, but that it should be changed to suit his imagination of politics, society, and even man. He was inspired by 2 events: 1 was the Holocaust and the another was contact with doctrine and individual Karl Popper author of the celebrated work "Open Society and its enemies", which followed Soros' escape from Hungary in 1947. Soros took from these experiences besides the name of his foundation. According to these principles, nationalism, national state, and attachment to it are considered to be fundamental evil, for from these are even greater evil or anti-Semitism, and hence the consecutive way to the Holocaust. This conviction besides explains Soros' unwillingness to a national idea-based judaic state in Palestine, although the attacks on each another are always presented as a manifestation of anti-Semitism. Orbán, on the contrary: “He believes that God created not only men but besides nations, and that it is written that the nations will be either condemned or saved, or judged... In another words, a nation is simply a sacred thing, a value worth fighting for, and it is good if this value is never lost. (...) Behind the confrontation between Viktor and Soros lies the fundamental conflict about anthropological and, consequently, metaphysical depth.”

The next passage in which Fodor is characterized by the Satanic threat of the planet view of Soros besides sounds highly suggestive and exhilarating: “If we imagine our lives in specified a way that we want to die 1 day believing in a fewer things, Soros is no uncertainty a man who will tell you that it all makes no sense. There is no point believing in anything, and life has no another meaning, you just gotta live a pleasant life. But looking for a higher intent or meaning is nonsense. That's why he wants to deprive you of your identity, due to the fact that all higher intent or intent comes from your identity. If you are a man, it is your occupation to have children with a woman, to love them and take care of them (...) Similarly, the fact that you were born Hungarian is simply a calling, a mission, a task... It is simply a moral work to preserve the identity and heritage, strengthen and proceed a thousand-year civilization, built on Hungarian language and based on Hungarian traditions. And if you are besides a follower of Christ, it is besides your occupation to build the kingdom of God.”

I uncertainty if Fodor read "Left Free" Józef MackiewiczBut to everyone who did this, this passage brings to head the characteristics of Bolshevik communism that a white Russian said Paul Zybenko fighting in the Polish army against Bolsheviks. In fact, Fodor explicitly describes Soros as a “new Marx” who “like his intellectual predecessor, has lost his soul and his heart is inhabited by a demon.” This besides results in the deficiency of any rules or ethical scruples and utmost lie, e.g. the simultaneous conflict for number rights in Macedonia and the support of the government in Kiev, which oppresses minorities, the conflict for openness, transparency while creating an empire with totalitarian intentions, ruled by an absolute ruler who tries to be invisible, the fight against corruption while at the same time enriching himself on stock speculations and profits achieved through fraudulent usage of confidential information. And all these are filled with moral formulas, in which the manic-minded speculator is portrayed as the philanthropist and benefactor of mankind.

This fundamental falsehood translates into the way Soros operates. Never with an open helmet, never under a name, never in elections. "Instead, he intervenes from outside to make chaos. It either intervenes from the very beginning where there is instability or intervenes in specified a way as to make instability. It is this condition that creates conditions for its basic political activity, or speculation. The interference besides means that, where external interference occurs, sovereignty is violated. It is not the will within that determines how things should be, what direction they should take matters in their own country, but decides it from the outside, bypassing sovereign will." This, in turn, leads us to institutions that are Soros' favourite field of action: to the judicial strategy and the European Union, which the book presents as its tool, Soros understands that his people in national and European courts are 1 of the best guarantees to enforce his agenda. From a relation Peter Witt We know that around 20% of the judges of the Court of Human Rights were previously active in the activities of organisations created or financed by Soros. Organizations whose goal is to destruct our civilization and morality.

However, it is not political institutions that are the eyes of Soros and the most crucial field of action. This thing is culture and education. The book shows how much he paid attention to the Central European University he founded. People formed by specified an institution are later activists who realize Soros' dreams, which do not even request to be controlled or paid, the most susceptible to this kind of psychopolitics turns out to be like intelligence in Poland. Its enemy is the national interest elite of Fidesz and the people. Hence, Fodor describes Orbán as a non-liberal Democrat, and Soros as an undemocratic liberal who recognizes democracy only erstwhile liberals regulation as he understands it.

Viktor Orbán reviewed the methods and strategy of his opponent. Hence, 1 of the first reforms after obtaining the right majority in parliament was to change the constitution and regain the apparatus of justice for the nation. Another field of action is “how to organize as they did. Then have your organizations, your institutions, your civilian activists, have your backs, your media, your talking heads, have your own CEU (short for Central European University Sorosa – O.S.) (MCC is our CEU) (Mathias Corvinus Collegium is an educational institution and investigation centre supporting Hungarian youth), have them at home and abroad. There must besides be the essential peace agreements, due to the fact that we cannot be at war with ourselves. Then, you gotta organize a civic world: in the beginning it was a civilian club world. At the same time, you must build your own planet of experts and intellectuals. Various think tanks and investigation institutes must besides be created. alternate indicators, an index of democracy, fresh scales of assessment and credibility must be developed and a group of people and institutions should be set up. Megafon is needed (media initiative aimed at strengthening right-wing environments in online space). Do what Soros does.”

However, Orbán's most spectacular political decision was to personalize the conflict, give the forces bad faces and names. To the point where Soros' name was mentioned and his influence was mostly ridiculed as a alleged conspiracy explanation and a symptom of a sick imagination. Orbán took a hazard and hit where the anonymous billionaire most did not want it. In connection with the run to bring migrants to Europe, he decided to show the public and the planet who its promoter is. First he conducted a national consultation on migrants and then immense billboards with the image of a billionaire appeared throughout Hungary, saying: “99% of national consultations rejected illegal immigration. Don’t let Soros laughter last!” The accident wanted me to visit Budapest and photograph 1 of them. In the following year, the Sorosian staff forge – Central European University was forced to leave Hungary and decision to Vienna. Interestingly, the Slovaks and Czechs under the regulation objected before choosing Budapest’s location Vaclav Klaus.

The bold indication of the enemy and the impact where it hurts, the assertive attitude towards the American hegemon resulted in years of respect in the United States itself and, above all, individual designation Donald Trump. But in addition to respect, the attitude of Orbán and Hungary was an crucial inspiration for the MAGA movement. The name Soros and his sinister activities ceased to be taboo themes besides in India and South America. fresh reports from the United States talk not only of the illegalization of terrorists from the alleged Antifa, but of the inclusion of the Soros network in criminal proceedings under the RICO Act (Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Act Act, 1970).

In addition to strictly political and organizational actions to the success of Fidesz and Orbán's crew, however, something else was needed. It's a value that is as fewer as it is present driven out of universal consciousness. It is relationship and loyalty. The book cites Orbán’s conversation with his associate Zsolt Bayer, which they held for Fidesz's birthday in 2014. "They conclude that no of the transformationists are left behind. But the fact that we are inactive – says Viktor, most likely that we have never sold ourselves; we are in the truest sense a community of friends and companions, and what is equally crucial is the courage to turn our backs on each other, knowing that we can go to war together, and no 1 will stab us in the back.” It is hard to get a better description of the political esprit de corps that prevails in the hardened army's battles, or to the “hand of brothers” from Henry V's Shakespearean speech.

While “Uncle Gyuri, (Hungarian short name Soros) this very wise man, was definitely incorrect about 1 thing. He believed and his full life it confirmed that with money you can buy anything, the issue is only price. He simply could not comprehend that there are respective people in the mediate of Europe that cannot be bought.” Unfortunately, this measurement of Europe was in this case over the Danube alternatively than over the Vistula River, where, in addition to intellectual misery, spiritual and moral miseries prevailed, where pride was replaced by outcry for interior usage and humiliating grovels towards strangers. And that is most likely the most obvious, though the bitter lesson we should learn from reading a book, which should be a mandatory position for anyone who wants to realize why it is them and not us.

Olaf Swolkień

Gabor G. Fodor, "Orbán v Soros", Wyd. von borowiecky, Warsaw-Radymin 2025, p. 205.

Think Poland, No. 39-40 (28.09-5.10.2025)

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