Nawrocks are doing better than well, unfortunately

Sometimes it is hard to halt the grin erstwhile you see the delight of president Nawrocki, who came in to buy kebab, looked out the window or showed up at the stadium or gym. We've been dealing with akin media-fanfic squeaks lately. ‘Seimflix’ The hoarder. How did it end, We all see. In the case of Nawrocki so rapidly – if not at all – this will not end.

Nawrocki is possibly the first since Kwasniewski to be “out of the people” and his contact with voters and his way of being seems natural alternatively than directed. Just as Aleksander Kwasniewski could dance disco polo And he had a natural contact with the public, so Nawrocki could compression a barbell and run into a kebs.

It is impossible to learn this – it is something you gotta have inside you. The prof. Lech Kaczyński and the meme and nobility Bronisław Komorowski did not have it, and Andrzej Duda did not have it. This does not mean that all 3 of them had no another advantages (they won the election), but it is Karol Nawrocki who seems naturally closest to the Polish normist, to whom the dream put under the gum more fits than the title of “IPN doctor” who after years of compromising this institution inactive means nothing today.

However, not only naturality in dealing with average Poles makes this presidency seem to be conducted perfectly now. Nawrocki listens to his advisors and delivers the political product that is expected of him.

Sikorski is Nawrocki's rival, not Tusk

Contrary to appearances, Polish voters, apart from fanatics, require any presidential format and cross-party cooperation. Sitting like a robot with a swallowed stick from Nawrocka's brush gives the impression of a soldier who does not get emotional at all and represents a nation of his own. Sometimes you get the impression that with this short haircut, he would be best suited for a Marine uniform. In this sense, even his duking in English resembles military schnitzel, which in the face of the threat from the east impresses Poles so much. A kind of parsing in German or French an intelligent would only awaken an anti-establishmental resenty.

On the another hand, Nawrocki does not get active in any organization talk and most importantly, he cooperates quietly with Tuski. This deficiency of exchange of fire between the president and the Prime Minister puts the erstwhile in the eyes of voters in the order of politicians who are serious about Poland. In this sense, Nawrocki goes alternatively the way of the usually well prepared Bosak than the event Mentzen. This does not mean that Nawrocks and the government do not fight, but to dirty work they delegate their people, themselves remaining above it.

Notice, not accidental in my opinion, the war between Marcin Przyczęcz from the Chancellery of the president and Radosław Sikorski, head of the MFA. Nawrocki knows that his main competitor in 4 years will be Sikorski, valued for his “hard attitude” towards the Russians. Therefore, the full attack goes towards the head of the MFA, who is in love with his own reposts and always gets provoked. The Minister's duels with a barely authoritative of the President's Chancellery besides show a certain hierarchy of importance in which the president does not descend to the level of twitter push.

The strong-armed president plays veto

His charge with subsequent vetoes, but equally important, with signatures under the laws, Nawrocks neatly set up a communicative in which the government is inactive to fulfil the electoral promises. It's adequate for Nawrocki to endanger veto, and the full government camp is in awe. The image of a strong, vetting president was created by the media, and Nawrocki willingly entered these shoes.

Picking up 800+ for non-working Ukrainians was Trzaskowski's thought from the campaign, and in the Sejm there was already a prepared task KO. Nawrocky cleverly vetoed the governing another issues of the Law on Assistance to Ukrainians, arguing that it does not contain a provision receiving 800+ The Ukrainians — and public opinion, behind the media, began to say that Nawrocki took the funding. In this way he was somewhat artificially charged with points of action.

In fact, the threat of another veto makes the government truly request to consider further laws, making Nawrocki a defender of the people against excessive regulation. Just as the Tusk government was expected to bomb Nawrocki with uncomfortable bill designs, so Nawrocki bombed the government with unobvious vetoes and thus has peace of head in the implementation of the political agenda.

This does not mean that the situation cannot change. Tusk will now effort to drive a wedge between Nawrocki and Confederate voters, presenting taxation increases projects for unpopular industries among the people, for example for bankers. If this is followed by a task to taxation developers, pharmaceutical companies (big pharma) or large techs, then theoretically any Nawrock movement will be detrimental to them. He will either be hailed as a “bankster defender” or a “left man who increases taxes.”

However, I will not be amazed if Nawrocki tries to bypass this by vetoes with simultaneous submission of his own draft laws. After all, there is already a task in the Sejm that prolongs the time for Ukrainians to gain citizenship, which aims to mitigate the image of the fact that the president yet signed the Law on aid to Ukrainians (but without 800+ for non-employed people).

Which differs Nawrocki from Duda

So far the ruling coalition seems susceptible to Nawrocki – just as the defenceless against its popularity is... Jarosław Kaczyński. There may even be a silent agreement between Kaczyński and Tuski to politically slaughter the 3rd independent in the Sejm. Only with the support of the Confederate and the active presidential initiative, it will be much more hard than in the case of the Duda, on which it was adequate to bang, and the full thing trembled with fear.

Nawrock will not tremble, and his effort to build his own non-written agenda – by instigating anti-Ukrainian phobias and promoting right-wing identity policy (for example through discharge from wellness education) – can make in a fewer years a strong support by the Republic and another media president become a serious candidate for the post-Kaczyński schema, who does not realize that the planet of politicians specified as Matecki or Czarnek is coming into existence.

Therefore, I would not underestimate this possibly not very volatile, but powerfully determined everyman Nawrocki, who has just established a bond of sympathy with thousands of specified “averagers” who are the salt of democracy not only in Poland.