The EU's migration policy has been based on 2 pillars for years: deciding to leave the territory and effective enforcement of return. However, the latest Eurostat data shows that there is simply a immense gap between explanation and practice. Between the 4th fourth of 2024 and the 3rd 4th of 2025, 480 775 decisions on the work to leave were issued in the European Union and actually performed Only 119,615 deportations. This means that more than 361 000 people stay suspended, formally obliged to leave the EU but are inactive on its territory.
The EU's deportation policy is simply a disaster. It is even officially reported that the effectiveness of deportation in the EU is about 25%. This figure itself is low, but in reality the image can be even more unfavourable. In many of the largest host countries, the rates are importantly lower: in Spain about 13%, in Greece 14%, and in France only about 7%. This means that countries which are the main nonsubjective of migration have the top enforcement problems.
In practice, EU statistic are besides hard to interpret. Quarterly data does not always mention to the same people – individual can get a travel order in 1 period and be deported in another. This causes performance indicators to appear higher than they are actually in the long term.
The biggest problem seems not the deficiency of regulations, but the deficiency of enforcement. The European Union has created an extended return legal system, including a "return directive" and common standards of procedures. However, statistic show that the noisy mechanics frequently ends at the administrative phase of the decision, not real action.
As a result, a large group of people are created who are subject to the alleged "leave order" which do not truly go anywhere. In France, the number of migrants covered by OQTF decisions that are inactive present in the country is estimated at up to 800 000 people. There are much less in Poland, but they besides function. This undermines the credibility of the full migration strategy and creates social tensions.
There are a fewer reasons. Firstly, any countries of origin do not want to welcome their citizens back, which blocks deportations. Secondly, appeal procedures and humanitarian considerations extend proceedings for years. Thirdly, many associate States avoid forced return, preferring voluntary departures - which, however, frequently do not follow.
In addition, the EU puts strong emphasis on human rights and the legal protection of migrants. Although this is understandable from the point of view of European values, in practice it leads to a situation where the decision to deport does not mean real deportation.
Critics of the EU's migration policy indicate that the strategy has become a paradox: on the 1 hand, the states spend hundreds of thousands of decisions to leave, on the another hand, they do not have the tools or political will to implement them. As a result, a "gray zone" is created for people residing in the EU without regulated status.
If the Union does not increase the effectiveness of return, the number of unexecuted decisions will increase and deportation statistic will stay only administrative fiction. Eurostat data clearly shows that the current model works primarily on paper. However, this is not the biggest problem of European policy. For these are very frequently people who have received a deportation decision, commit rapes and murders on autochthons, so that alternatively of their chaotic country, they go to prison, and even more frequently to psychiatric establishments, and stay on the writ of the nation to which they have caused harm.
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