Historical calendar: anniversary of the adoption by the Sejm of the large Government Act, later called the Constitution of 3 May. It introduced a hereditary monarchy.
Today in our calendar we will look at the circumstances accompanying this event.
The impetus for the improvement of the Republic of Poland was not only the initially favourable global economy and the success of the French Revolution, but besides strong centrifugal tendencies. On December 2, 1789, the alleged black procession, or protest of delegates of 141 royal cities from the full Republic, took place. In the memorial given to the king, they demanded that public rights be granted to the townspeople and that the laws be changed to the detriment of production and trade.
The country's systemic abandonments were so large that reforms required fundamentally everything – from the structure of executive authority, through seyms, seyms, troops, to diplomacy. In particular, the obstinate and heavy outdated strategy of farm - serfdom in villages, which took on almost slave character in the hands of many settlers, struck the eyes.
In this case, however, it should be mentioned that during the period under discussion, Tsarica Katarzyna complained about Russian peasants' convergence to Poland, which showed little oppression and more friendly treatment of the peasants in the Republic of Poland.
39 members of the masonry were elected to the Grand Sejm starting in 1788, for an overall number of 177 MPs. The lodges took on a strong patriotic character at the time and became a place of exchange for authentically developing political thought. The influence of the bed on the form of reforms continued to increase until the 4 main authors of the Constitution 3 May, 3 were masons (Stanisław August Poniatowski, Ignacy Potocki, Scipione Piatolli), and the 4th 1 was thoroughly devoured by the ideals of enlightenment (Hugo Kolłataj).
The parliament was bound in the form of confederation, which meant that it was not to be broken up with the aid of veto liberal. This simple solution has been utilized almost since the beginning of Stanisław August's rule, so it is incorrect to rise in many historical publications that the liquidation of the fatal institution in 1791, was of an highly crucial character. On the contrary, erasing the anticipation of a single associate breaking the Sejm was only symbolic.
In the course of the meeting, fresh plots were established and opposition MPs excluded. Part of the constitution was adopted in the atmosphere of the coup, utilizing the absence of the Hetman and Magnate factions. This must have clearly set the oligarchs against the reforms and accelerated the departure of their leadership in the form of Branicki, Rzewuszki and Potocki to Petersburg.
Overall, the reforms active a definitive abolition veto liberal, the free election and the right to confederation, the introduction of 100,000 armies, the granting of political rights to burgherhood, the elimination of the separateness of the army and treasure of the Crown and Lithuania, the introduction of the tripartition of power and hereditary monarchy. The approval to buy land by townspeople and to trade by nobles was besides positive. As a result, the social initiative was stimulated, and the blocked capital was put in motion, driving the economy.
Many of the issues contained in the reforming strategy of laws have sparked contemporary controversy, especially nobles. The introduced property census of PLN 100 paid per year taxation for persons participating in the Sejm, meant the applicable removal of the voting rights of the gentry of the gold and granting it to rich bourgeoisie. It was. de facto abolishing noble democracy and turning it into an oligarchy of mansions.
Nevertheless, this was a crucial step forward, as wealthy people were mostly better educated and more well-educated in the planet and so more aware of economical and political issues.
The culmination of the reformation of the alleged large Sejm was the passing of the Government Act on 3 May 1791, which treats Poland's future rule.
The issues of the inheritance of the throne caused reformers large problems. While the restoration of the hereditary monarchy was the right move, it was planned to hand over the crown to the Saxon dynasty. The motivation behind this decision remains a mystery to this day. In addition to the large reluctance of society towards German Saxons, there were another problems – the elector of Saxon Frederick August had no boy but only a fewer years old daughter.
This did not bother reformers who suspiciously insisted on the Sasah throne, had ideas of giving up the baby for matrimony to Prince Louis of Prussia or for the grandson of Catherine II, Constantine Pavlovich. In both cases, this meant that the Polish throne was held for a long time by Hohenzollerns or Romanovs. In the second case, this would not change the situation of the Kingdom of Poland in 1815-1830, erstwhile Konstanty Pawłowicz and his brother Alexander ruled it.
The orientation of the then Polish decision-making elites to Prussia or Russia clearly shows that, as in the era of the Repnin's parliament, there was inactive no Polish organization in Poland, which aimed to hand over the throne to 1 of the countrymen, specified as Poniatowski. Wouldn't Prince Joseph Poniatowski be a good candidate?
A separate, interesting issue was published in mid-May 1791, so fewer days after the celebrated constitution, "Law to Gather Friends of the Government Constitution" on the Subtitle Fiat lux. The assembly headed unofficially by Hugo Kołłątaj was to bring together the most crucial people in the country as part of an extra-parliamentary debate club, where the name was to debate the most crucial matters of the state and to stand watch over compliance, introduced by the Constitution on 3 May strategy solutions.
It clearly broke, introduced by the Government Act 3 divisions of power and became de facto the 4th most crucial authority of the Republic of Poland. The assembly had highly free-growing roots and character and its meetings were held at the office of the Masonic Lodge of the “Great National East of Poland” in Radziwiłłów Palace in Warsaw. The introductory wording of the Statute Fiat lux This is nothing but the conventional Masonic cry "Let light become."
The absolute transparency and insolence of the actions which the Polish Masons have shown since May 1791, combined with the scale of power they have gained, puts the real intent and sense of the reforms.
There is no uncertainty that the large Parliament has brought the Republic of Poland a complete submission to the enlightened concepts of masonry. The Assembly of Friends of the Constitution and its real position in the structure of the power of Poland (aside from the issue of the real monarchy) became 1 of the reasons for the establishment of the trade union. They attest to even angry letters exchanged between future marketers. This is an example of the opposition letter by Benedict Hulewicz to Stanisław Szczęsny Potocki:
"They established a clopp at Radziwiłłowski Palace, to which only they swore to the Constitution enter. There with the chosen arbitrators they arrange everything ... And they go to the chamber with that. If I were to propose the best thing in the chamber, talk and break out, it will not be useful for anything.”
Previous entry from our calendar is available Here..
