Our position on alleged reciprocity, in another words Slavic solidarity, has been highlighted and clearly defined. The Slavic brotherhood that is spoken of and written so much about has no real basis, even though it does, could not be a political factor. Neither the commonality of origin, nor the similarity of languages, nor the dubious cultural connection are sufficient. Political solidarity must be based solely on solidarity of pursuits and interests.
Slavic reciprocity is simply a literary-philological fact, not a political one. It was created by poets and linguists, thus contributing to the awakening of national consciousness of the tamed and oppressed Slavic peoples. We Poles did not request this fiction, due to the fact that we had a surviving tradition and awareness of national and cultural differences. Neither did the Russians request it, but they utilized it and utilized it for their political purposes. On the another hand, for the weak, yet alive, or reborn peoples, there was a sense of beneficial strain brotherhood that indirectly strengthened their resilience and encouraged them. That explains the unquestionable vitality of panslawism. However, it has no real basis, as we said. Anthropology, even which accepts the existence of uniform or complex races, does not know the Slavic race. There has never been a common Slavic culture, nor has there been any subsequent interaction between Slavic peoples to specified an degree that, at least, any political link would justify them. The similarity of languages is simply a fact, but a fact that is not practical, due to the fact that present we no longer realize each another and all Slavic nation has its own writing more or little developed.
These are things commonly known, but they must be repeated with emphasis, especially present in view of the failure of our public opinion to have a policy of Slavic solidarity. In Austria, this policy has, in a way, a basis of common interest, but cannot be extended without the hazard of a serious risk, and all the more so, it cannot be abandoned and ascended into a land of panslavistic illusion. However, not only at the Slavic ceremonies in Prague, but even at the national ceremony in Krakow, we saw the symptoms of political recklessness, in order not to usage a more vigorous term, we heard the frail slogans of Slavic solidarity in the fight against the "eternal enemy", i.e. in a covenant with Russia, even under its leadership.
In the Polish society in Galicia, loudly sounding, but not grasping the slogans of Slavic politics are gaining more and more supporters, sounding louder, making noises in Prussian and Russian partitions. A very real and crucial matter, the substance of converting Austria's state strategy into an autonomous fashion – the Federalist 1 was the beginning of this political movement, which today, erstwhile it deviates from the right direction, crosses its natural border, spills besides widely and, if it does not return to the primary bearing, must die in earthquakes of omnislovian illusions.
It is simply a straying into the emptiness of our political thought, threatening to pervert it and deprave it. We, like everywhere, have fallen the level of public opinion, giving a speech to politics. But erstwhile elsewhere the improvement of public life devices has the negative effects of this lowering of political concepts effectively prevents, our society, including Galicia, has no power and does not betray the desire to decently educate and make them.
The masses of the people do not yet participate in public life, they have not yet influenced the improvement of opinions, but in its symptoms many voices of the crowd of philistres, having neither experience nor regular of wheels, which traditionally conducted national politics, nor the education of theoretical professional politicians, nor of healthy peasant reason are heard. Undoubtedly a affirmative and, in our peculiar conditions, a very desirable social symptom, consisting in the fact that the ever-wider layers of the population are taking part in public life, can frequently have negative effects in the transition phase in which we are presently in. The people have not yet come to the vote in national politics, even the voices of the actual representatives of his pursuits and interests stifling in the public the slobbering out of the alleged intelligence, which in political matters is actually a dark crowd, due to the fact that neither practically nor theoretically knows or understands these matters. This intelligence and semi-official intelligence, professional, noble and burgher, does not make a separate bias, but in each, even in hierarchical-aristocratic parties, is simply a force of force. Unpolitically educated, to the level of its vague or even ridiculously naive notions, brings in slogans and programs of biases, vulgarizes public opinion, or throws it into the mistake of imagination and delusion.
We are not talking about the exceptions rather numerous, but about the majority of the alleged intelligence, which in our case is especially presented politically as profanum vulgarus. It is in the Kingdom present that she is an army of settlers or passive politicians, and present in Galicia and another occupations she repeats the slogans of the Slavic brotherhood. Those in whose interest it is to extend this confusion in our society for purposes, having nothing to do with the actual Slavic policy in Austria, are removed from active participation in public demonstrations, although they approve of them. Neither in Prague, nor in Krakow, the Stańczyks and Galician conservatives came out openly, but they brought out improvised politicians from intelligence and bourgeoisy, having no appropriate thought what they were doing or for what they were doing. regular diplomats and statesmen from the conservation camp did not want to play either the comic function of the neophytes of the “Slavic Brotherhood”, they did not want to take part in a farce that would compromise their political minds and understanding. It would be hard for them to refrain from the malicious grin of the auguurs, from criticizing the ad hoc seen and heard nonsense.
We would not pay attention to the sad, but even not very bright symptoms of this political immaturity and the deficiency of national dignity, if the comedy of Slavic brotherhood ended with them. However, right after the Prague ceremony, we found in Krakow that this comedy will not yet have a show, that it is becoming increasingly popular and in Warsaw and Poznań, that it already exerts an influence, demoralizing public opinion, especially in the Russian election, where in the individual of Mr. Spasowicz gained a skillful and regular in organizing Slavic director's shamukts.
The All-Slavic policy, understood as a fight against the Germanic element, can be conducted in today's conditions only in alliance with Russia, or alternatively under its protectorate. There is no another combination and there cannot be, or alternatively there is one, but only theoretically acceptable – a policy of Slavic solidarity returned against Russia. But no 1 is reasoning about this now. We ignore the doubt: whether the political conflict of the Slavs in the alliance with Russia, led with the Germanic world, could, possibly under peculiar conditions, be beneficial to our national cause, and we overlook that the presumption of specified a fight is political absurdity.
The political interests of the Slavic nations do not should be conflicted, their diversity is enough. The Bulgarians' fight against Germanism does not care completely, not only from Germany, but even from Austria they are not in danger. The national and political aspirations of the Serbs and Croats are in open antagonism with the policy of the Madzers and in natural improvement must aim to break down the full state of Austria. For Serbs, especially Slavic Austria is most likely more dangerous than German Austria. Actually only Slovenians, Czechs and Poles have a common interest in combating the German advantage in Austria and not only in Austria. But erstwhile Austria's state strategy is transformed into a federalist spirit, the vocabulary of this monarchy is the culmination of the national aspirations of the Czechs and Slovenians, it would only be the first phase for us. specified a point limited to the commonality of pursuits is simply a completely adequate basis for real politics, not setting long horizons. For this reason, we have frequently pointed out that we are supporters of the political alliance of the West Slavic peoples in Austria, based not on strainal kinship, not on linguistic similarity, but on the common interests of the real, higher than applicable considerations.
These applicable considerations are not taken into account at all, as another opponents of Slavic politics do, and, condemning panslavist dreams today, we declare ourselves in favour of the Polish-Czech alliance, even though this has harmed our influential position in the monarchy. This alliance promises us in the future unquestionable benefits for which ad hoc profits are worth sacrificing.
But the panslavic policy on which we enter the tracks does not promise us any benefits. The fight of the Slavs against the Germanic world, if it were to supply for any benefits, is an incredible dream. Russia's state interests do not require a fight against Germany. It is simply comic to say that the German component in Russia, dispersed in large areas, is dangerous to the power of the Tsar; it can only be, at most, dangerous in the event of war or interior disturbances. Germany does not have any plans to take possession of Russia, it does not want to increase the number of Poles in the country, and a look at the map convinces adequate that it is impossible to take the Baltic provinces without taking a crucial part of Poland and Lithuania. It may besides be doubtful whether Russia, although its possessive appetite does not know the measure, would like to gain the east provinces of Prussia and Galicia, alternatively it is allowed to renounce part of the Kingdom in exchange for ensuring its freedom of action in Turkey and Asia. Antagonism between Russia and Germany only concerns east affairs and may even take a sharp form again in the future, but it has nothing to do with the fantastic conflict of the united Slavic with the Germanic world. The fear of Germany is sometimes caused by politics, more frequently by the Russian press, erstwhile it needs it, and exploits trivial panslawic slogans for its very real state and national purposes. Conducting politics in the name of these slogans is only helping Russia without any benefit to ourselves, due to the fact that we cannot usage them for our cause.
On the another hand, spreading in public the undetermined trends of all-Solid politics presents a serious danger to our political awareness. First of all, the slogans of Slavic solidarity bring our political thought from the real ground of national pursuits and interests to the roadless fantasies on which its achievements must be wasted, gained by dense experience, the work of respective generations in different ways and on different ways for the national affairs operating. Only in this political accomplishment did we look around, just put him in order, and think of the rational application of his instructions erstwhile the vague dream returns us from the right way again. In the Russian partition, the Slavic policy would gotta reduce our immune strength and warp national awareness, due to the fact that alternatively of the enemy to whom all step should be taken, it would have us see in the government and Russian society an alleged ally. present it is water on the mill of settlement policy, and in the future it would even justify public national and spiritual claims, especially the latter, due to the fact that Slavic solidarity in the field of religion would be expressed in an appropriate manner. Today, omnislovian politicians, and not only in Russia, are putting more emphasis on the fight against “Roman Papalism” than on the fight against Germanism. Slavic politics will not be in real shape, but its propaganda will undoubtedly have the above and another negative effects. Those who preach this policy mostly do not believe in them, at least they surely do not believe the chief initiators, who consider it simply a skillful maneuver. But in our position, we must not urge specified risky manoeuvres. In general, incapable to critically measure political combinations of this kind, it simply demoralizes itself by accepting them in good faith.
The russification of our mentality in the Russian partition is an uncontested fact, sympathy and omnislovian dreams are a visible proof of it. In talks and writings, 1 can frequently see that Germany is more dangerous to us than to Moscals, “or to the Slavs”, and even to the view that if we are to die, it is better to pour ourselves into 1 full with a kindred nation than to adopt German culture. This absurd view – due to the fact that if we are to die, we should be all the same as our descendants – deserves attention as a sign of certain sympathy and convictions, which are the foundation of the settlement. It must besides be pointed out that this view is in clear contradiction with our best national and political tradition. The position of defenders of European civilization towards the barbarism of Moscow, which we ourselves and others have appointed to us, strengthened our immune force, due to the fact that it filled us with pride and self-respect. That is why we should not underestimate, especially as considering the slogans of the Slavic brotherhood, we go down to the function of the stooges of the Tsar, we take a subordinate position towards Russia and unwittingly feed the chamois feelings and notions of the chamois, actually present tiny Slavic peoples.
Because – we should say this to ourselves and to others honestly – for us, heirs of large ideas and large past, all these "truths" and "words" are unloving, sometimes even disgusting, they offend us with their humility or with their boots always rude, with their barbaric simplicity, with their color, with our culture. Their spirit, their traditions were enslaved, ours – freedom was exuberant. The heritage of our national traditions not only to the nobility, but besides to the people belongs and Polish democracy is the most wonderful of them. In the folk movement of the last day, as has rightly been pointed out, all affirmative and negative properties of the spirit and national temperament are revealed. The lush nobility's individualism is 1 100 times closer to our peasant than the “holy humility” of Moscow's “musician” or omnislovian “heroism of captivity”. It was essential for social improvement to give a momentary advantage in public life to those elements which, not being a commune, are in their thoughts and sentiments the most communal, this stratum of burghers, which "the people's land is flowing down like unclean scum" – and then the ground was found in us – for the omnislovian dream.
This ground will shortly lose it, but before it does, we should see that it does not impress it. The large harm cannot do us, but it can severely humiliate us, insult the majesty of our national tradition, confuse our public and the alien. It'll take us quite a few time to clean up this trash, take up quite a few work that could be utilized for affirmative purposes. Finally, alternatively of making it easier for us to get closer to these Slavic nations, with which we have a common interest, which, like the Czechs, and their culture and temperament have more with us than with another Slavs in common – omnislovian politics, doomed to bankruptcy inevitable, Polish-Czech alliance, unnecessarily combined with it, will teardrop alternatively than strengthen it.
Jan Ludwik Popławski
