In the title “Polish Whites. Volume 1, 18th century. Hostile acquisitions and founding crimes" conversation with Jan Tatura Euro MP Grzegorz Braun conducts an unprecedented trial with his own social group: intelligence.
If this is not a extremist effort to become credible in the eyes of the electorate, we are dealing with a political manifesto of a Catholic traditionalist who was not in Poland. It can lead to a white fever “Gazeta Wyborcza” as well as the listeners of Radio Maryja and drive the Polish episcopate into panic. The second is not difficult, due to the fact that the word “flash” seems to have a way of reacting to this esteemed body.
Braun hits solar plexus and the top holiness of Polish intelligence. "Poland's intelligence is simply a circumstantial relic of the past – but without prospects for the future another than those related to maintaining a position and clientelism. Intelligence is simply a de facto country peasant – devoid of ownership, and attached to jobs and loans today. To posts, if not to state, it is corporate, which results in 1 thing – having an exuberant conviction of its independency and attachment to freedom, intelligence is simply a standing of enslavement as a constitutional class and integrating on the basis of canonical intellectual superstitions: democratism (antimonarchical), statism (socialist). Modernism (religious), pacifism (hoplophobic), and at the same time Judeoideism (anti-anti-Semitism) and insurektionism (today primarily anti-Russian)” (p. 103). It could not be pointed out more powerfully that intelligent freedom is simply an empty connotation, under which there is simply a deficiency of independency and independent livelihood.
Kieles and aprons
The title "enemy takeover" means the interception of national consciousness by the fresh social class, usurping the law of the government of Polish souls. chance was delivered by the Masons tired at Clement XIV cassate of the Jesuit order in 1773. It allowed the Committee on National Education to be proprietary on the spiritual property of the Society of Jesus and the production of fresh elites according to progressive slogans. The slogans were manufactured by the “Jacob Trolli farm”, i.e. Kołątajowska “Kuznica” financed by the amount of 60 million francs, intended according to Braun from the treasure of the revolutionary French Republic for “the interest of the Warsaw Brothers”. And this business, according to Hugo Kołłataj himself, was “the overthrow of thrones and altars.” Braun explains: “The large Anti-French Revolution needed a diversion in the back – redirecting the counter-revolutionary coalition of Austria, Prussia and Russia to another war theatre. We were attacked by Polish patriots, ice agents and useful idiots with the top enthusiasm for this script [...] And this operation succeeds perfectly – in 1791 – 1795 there are de facto intensive protective actions of the revolution over the Seine" (p. 248).
Since the government of souls was taken over from the Catholic clergy, the “Polish blights” had to first be authenticated as clergymen or secular Catholics. "The revolution, destroying the essence of the old, conventional order, is very keen to preserve its facade. Hence, the desire for priests to inactive be called priests, although they will in fact be Protestantized, Masonized agitators" (p. 28). Heroes headed by the leading black character of the communicative and the “man from nowhere” Hugo Kołłątaj, Stanisław Staszice, the Ignacy brothers and Michał Potocki, Franciszek Zabłocki, Wojciech Bogusławski, Jan Kiliński, Tadeusz Kościuszka, implement the programme of the Polish Church and Poles themselves, which is 200 years late in Poland. “Energically without ceremony and without scruples, the “protestantization” is carried out throughout education – it takes a fewer years to hatch another litter of these enlightened Hunwabins. They will carry out the 3rd May revolution, launch the Kościuszko Insure and make this paradise of enlightened bureaucrats, establish the foundations of this future idyll of officials – with peculiar emphasis on taxation officials. That is the Duchy of Warsaw and the Kingdom of legislature – these are the children of the Committee on National Education. So the slogan “protestantization” finds in the task the fulfillment of a very close Western perfect and original, and sometimes rather literal” (p. 134). This is the origin of the social class that Braun wants to send to all devils.
Late grandchildren
Masonian traditions of Kuźnica are taken over by the full 20th century Polish left, from sanitation, through the Polish People's Republic, to post-PRL. It is hard to find an environment that does not admit to the Kołątaj tradition. In the second Poland, the symbol can be Tadeusz Boy – Żeleński and with his mission of awareness and in the Polish People's Republic of Stalinowo – bierutowska "Kuźnica" with its reforms of discipline and education. "The KEN strategy was raised to dogmatic rank in the Polish People's Republic. The model of the “reform” of the Jagiellonian University was applied with even more power – and the crowning of this work was the liquidation at the turn of the 1940s and 1950s of 2 noble technological institutions with a private and social background: the Warsaw technological Society and the Kraków Polish Academy of Skills, from which after the nationalization 1 institution was created: the Polish Academy of Sciences. Well, the Polish Academy of Sciences [...] is no more, no less, a kolątajów-Stalinian collective farm for the profession. This is not a hurtful invector, but a factual term, giving back the historical genesis and the current state of affairs erstwhile it comes to the dominant paradigm" – as he cruelly summarizes the reforms of education and discipline in PRL Braun (p. 245). There will besides be a Masonic thread. "His agendas like the Institute of Literary investigation – he was besides a kind of a full-time masonry mate who, despite formal restrictions, was rather good" (ibid.). In the Staszica IBN Palace's nota bene, she “had her parent Kopernik lodge with [...] Jan Józef Lipski at the head” (p. 34) and 1 of the posts “was assigned to Mam Kaczyński – which opens a grateful field for deeper and extended investigation on the continuity and continuity of the state elites in Poland” (ibid.).
The processes described by Braun resulted in the fact that Polish intelligence was and is unbeliever in most parts. "Biskupi and Polish priests were in a immense part of peasant sons. It was the only truly believing layer in Poland. It was a folk church.” "Between Logic and Faith. Jan Parys talks to Joseph M. Bochenski", 1992, p. 185). The first Polish contribution to Catholicism: “Gross Regrets” and “Hours on the Immaculate Conception of the NMP” for intelligence are the highest manifestation of folklore if not obscurantism. The created dualism of enlightened, unreligious elites and religious, unenlightened masses is evident without problem in today's political divisions.
Not anyone another than Jarosław Kaczyński stated in a minute of sincerity that he truly identified with the educated electorate of the large cities of the Civic Platform. Raised in the “mother of the Copernicus Lodge”, the president of Law and Justice almost disgusts him, but alien to his sensibilities and light views, the parish – provincial playle. The existing bilateral distance was emphasized by Father Tadeusz Rydzyk, informing about the presidential Kaczyński household with the words "Do not confuse the cesspool with perfumery". So can anyone be amazed at the level of the masonic hypocrisy of the formatted PiS drinkers present in the communicative of the "good change" for an undergrown nation?
On the 1 hand, "catholic" masses, without intellectual leadership, are susceptible to any suffocated in the national or barely "national" packaging of the agenda. On the another hand, elites not absorbing Catholic worldview, including the metaphysical relation of goals and means, open themselves to the implementation of any worldview, which is simply the influence of abroad political centres. The elite, who cannot specify the interests of the state as a common good, has no basis to separate it from the interests of strangers. “So, if Polish patriots are rightly afraid that any signers of Targowice have been in St. Petersburg besides frequently and besides long, why do they not even care that any of the leaders of the Association of Friends of Constitution 3 May spent rather quite a few time in Berlin, Dresden, London, Vienna or Paris?” (p. 273). Braun's rhetorical question points to the title "enemy takeover" by the European revolution camp, to which all subsequent generation of Polish intelligence is unwittingly enrolled, due to the fact that that is the case.
Thrones and altars
Braun conducts his historical vivisection from an exotic point of view of the Catholic traditionalist. We will better realize his perspective, realizing that the Catholic (Latin) intelligence civilization as a social class does not know. There are only clergy and laymen in it. The clergy is not an authority in all field, but only in the field of religion and morality. And that's what separates him from the secular ones. This is not about the nominal belonging that the current episcopate of Poland belongs to the clergy, although they shine in it to search the heroicity of virtues attached to the bishop's condition. It is about giving sacraments, teaching and surviving according to the principles assigned by the Magisterium of the Church. Thus, the clergy teach people the goal (the salvation of souls) and the morality which implements it, which controls the behaviour and cooperation of individuals, teaching the discrimination of goals from means.
Morality apart from respective principles that form Latin civilization, specified as eternal monogamy, discrimination between secular and spiritual power and private and public law, leaves individuals a wide field for independent applications of learned efficiency in everyday life. The laymen are competent in their fields and have no ambition to direct society or state if they are not its monarchs (i.e. specialists in the field of government). Laikat, therefore, does not strive in a Catholic state to exercise the function of universal authority, for 1 another than God himself does not exist. This "God" function was usurped by fresh elites and so had to fight the Catholic clergy, who, by his very existence, denied the exclusivity of secular authority. Thus, the Kołątajian paradigm of the demolition of "trones and altars", repeating calls for the "destroying of indecency" (i.e. Christianity), which Volter utilized to end with the companions of the bed and crowned heads of the list.
The consequence of rejecting the Catholic organization of society is totalitarianism expressed in the Protestant slogan “whose authority is religion”. Władysław Gomułko explained it to Stanisław Mikołajczyk in the autumn of 1944: “We will never give the authorities erstwhile acquired.” Later words of Cyrankiewicz are besides known, threatening to cut off the hand raised on an alternate folk power. "The subject of their concern is neither the state nor the nation in its present real form – so they are far from their revolutionary ideals, that there is truly nothing to regret erstwhile it all goes down, under any White Mountain or Maciejowice. Notabene, how characteristic it is that images of the Mathovian defeat circulate later in propaganda prints with the slogan “Finis Poloniae!” – its own loss, the fatal defeat of the revolutionary faction is presented as the end of Poland in general” (p. 214).
The consequence of not being divided into spiritual and secular power is that 1 cannot appeal to another from the decrees of 1 authority. "The revolutions destruct the key to our civilisation the rule of separation of powers, straight resulting from the Gospel directive: God, what is divine, what is imperial. The Protestant Revolution does so under the pretext of fighting for the “pure Gospel” and the Masonic Revolution, under the slogan of fighting “dark and superstition” for “enlightenment of mankind”. The effect is the same: the elimination of the dualism of secular and spiritual power results in the elimination of salvation for the subjects of competition and balance of influence – in the Latin planet 1 can always appeal to the bishop, from the emperor's decision – to the pope and vice versa. The Protestant Revolution guarantees a monopoly of secular power with all its consequences" (p. 98). Consequently, the state becomes totalitarian besides in the sense of the scope of government. For he tries to take over everything. The revolutionary rule of unity of power, besides applicable in Orthodoxy, Protestantism, or Islam logically leads to fascism (all in the state) and globalism (all in the state).
The Universal religion of Man
Nothing better than the blasphemous doctrine of Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel (1770-1831). It sees in a state (with a typical deficiency of logic primarily in a Prussian state) self-knowing God. Divine self-awareness is at the same time a percent of the participation of the state elites, due to the fact that not the self-conscious state as such. This means the actual poorness of a man, which is – let's admit – more attractive than Braun's reproving being a paid propagandaist on a state wick.
The Catholic Church defended itself against specified self-deification to the Second Vatican Council. Pope Paul VI expressed the capital in a speech at the end of the council. "Slight humanism, in its terrible anti-clerical incarnation, in a sense challenged the council. The religion of God, who became a man, met with the religion (because it is) of a man who makes himself God. And what happened? Was there a clash, a battle, a curse? It could have been, but it didn't. [...] The feeling of boundless sympathy for a man has taken over the council. The attention of our council focused on discovering the needs of man (and these needs grow according to the rank that the boy of earth gives himself). We call you modern humanists, who have rejected the supernatural value of the higher things, appreciate the council, though for this and admit our fresh kind of humanism: indeed, we too, more than anyone else, are worshipers of man."
Along with the religion of humanism, this totalitarian knowing of power was poured into the Church. The fresh excommunications for traditionalists from the Priesthood of St. Pius X can be considered to be a manifestation of it, without the pope's consent. Their broad designation in the Church shows that Catholics no longer separate between administrative and legal authority and teaching authority (Magisterium). The rule that all the pope's orders are infallible, even if they deny each other, is typically revolutionary. Whose power, his religion.
The words of the Second Vatican Council were "the French Revolution in the Church," he said with large enthusiasm, celebrating the triumph of the fresh theology over the order of Cardinal Léon-Joseph Suenens, Archbishop of Brussels and 1 of the main leaders of the liberal (progressive) wing on the council. In literature the same fact was identified and confirmed by Cardinal Joseph Ratzinger (later Pope Benedict XVI). In his loud book “Report on the State of Faith” (1985), he referred to the council constitution “Gaudium et spes” as “Anti-Syllabusa”. Ratzinger wrote plainly that this paper was an effort to officially reconcile the Church with the principles of 1789, that is, the inheritance of the Enlightenment and the French Revolution, which Pius IX in "Syllabus Errorum" and subsequent popes had previously explicitly condemned.
From a cybernetic and historical point of view, these comparisons are accurate – the council phrase meant the implementation into the intra-ecclesiastical matrix of the slogans of the revolution of 1789 (freedom, equality, brotherhood) under the concepts of spiritual freedom, collegiateism and ecumenism, which were ruthlessly bullied by Grzegorz Braun. The next volumes of Braunian gavenda: Volume 2, 19th century "Great Game and triumph of Provocation" and Volume 3, 1877-1920 The “Wspects of Communism and Miracles on the Vistula” announce the continuation of the historical investigation into the Polish way to planet religion, the way on which the Polish church, due to its specificity, proved to be the precursor of the Second Vatican Council.
Vladimir Kowalik
Think Poland, No. 37-38 (13-20.09.2026)
