THE NOWLEDGE BOATERS
National Memory Institute
WAR past OFFICE AND M. GEN. THE SOSNOVA CAZIMIER BRONI
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PILSUDE
Sosnkov’s CAZIMIER
Gen. weapon Kazimierz Sosnkowski was a peculiar character in the past of Poland in the 20th century. A distinguished soldier, a politician, and a thinker, an artist. It is hard to calculate all his passions, skills or interests. In addition to deep humanism and sensitivity (he was an expert in art, philosophy, literature, excellent cognition of Greek and Latin, proficient in French, German, English, Italian, Spanish and Russian), he was besides talented in science. All of this made him a Renaissance man. He was born on 19 November 1885 in Warsaw. In 1904, he started architectural studies there and simultaneously joined the PPS starting his fight for Poland's independence. At the beginning of 1906, he met Józef Piłsudski.
From this minute on, their long-standing cooperation and undoubtedly their relationship began.
In June of that year, he became the commandant of the territory of Warsaw's PPS Combat Organization. He directed her action during the celebrated “bloody Wednesday” on 15 August 1906.
In the summertime of 1908, he founded the Secret Action Combat Union in Lviv, the first apolitical military organization. The thought was undoubtedly Józef Piłsudski, but the creator and first manager of Kazimierz Sosnkowski. Kazimierz Sosnkowski, established in 1910, became the closest associate of Józef Piłsudski, his deputy and chief of staff.
On 6 August 1914, he and Joseph Piłsudski dismissed the 1st Cadro Company into the Kingdom. He participated in all the battles of the 1st Legion Brigade, sometimes replacing the Commandant (e.g. in December 1914 under the Hunter). Arrested by the Germans together with Józef Piłsudski on 22 July 1917, he was taken to Magdeburg. They returned to Warsaw on 10 November 1918.
In November 1918 he became General and Commander of the Warsaw territory General, and in March 1919 Deputy Minister of Military Affairs. At the time of the threat of Tuchachevsky's first offensive in May 1920, he headed the Reserve Army, beaten and rejected the Bolsheviks.
In August 1920, at the critical minute of the war between Poland and Bolshevik Russia, he became Minister of Military Affairs. His contribution to the creation of the Polish Army and triumph in 1920 cannot be overestimated.
During the interwar period he was, among others, Minister of Military Affairs and Army Inspector. Although he succeeded the General Inspector of the Armed Forces in the early 1930s, after the death of Marshal Józef Piłsudski he did not take this function to the detriment of Poland.
After the outbreak of planet War II, he waited for any linear assignment.
It was only on 10 September 1939 that he received command of the non-existent South Front. Still, he won a triumph close Lviv, but he failed to break through to the city with bleeding troops. In disguise, he made his way to Hungary, from where he reached France.
On emigration, he was the successor of the president of Poland, the Minister for National Affairs, the Commandant of the Armed Combat Union (ZWZ) and the Chief Chief Chief. He contributed to the preparation of Polish Armed Forces (PSZ) in the West to participate in a decisive clash with Germany. At the time erstwhile he was Chief Chief of PFA, they fought their top battles, including at Monte Cassino, Ancona, Falaise and Arnhem.
He was an opponent of the Warsaw Uprising, erstwhile the uprising broke out.
Due to the criticism of the Allies for insufficient support, which he besides accused of opportunism and conscious dedication of Poland to the russian sphere of influence, he was dismissed from the position of Chief Leader on 30 September 1944. He shortly went to Canada. For the next 4th of a century, he remained the spiritual leader of independency emigration in America.
He died on 11 October 1969, his ashes initially rested at Montmorency Cemetery close Paris, and in 1992, they were deposited at the Archathere of St. John in Warsaw.
Throughout his life Kazimierz Sosnkowski stood firm on the honor and rights of the Republic. He did not search power and honor. He was warm with this man, with an attractive manner of being, specified manners and a wonderful figure.
PILSUDE
The Polish Legionaries convention was held in Pickelishki on August 4, 1933.
In a letter to this convention, Józef Piłsudski wrote: "As I lived, it was worth it – it was worth the pain and fatigue to overcome – as I overcome."
On 12 May 1935, president of the Republic of Poland Ignacy Mościcki said:
"... gave Poland freedom, boundaries, power and respect...".
Jan LECHAN "PORTRETES OF PEOPLE AND EVENTS" WARSAW 1999
"Piłsudski continued to proclaim the same truths of honor, sacrifice,
the love of the homeland – only that they were not for him, as for many
Poles, empty sound, but the reality behind which they became
His full life."
Ujejski Cornel.
Kornel Ujejski, On the centennial anniversary of the establishment of the Bar confederation.
At a youth gathering in Lviv on 29 February 1868.
"The idea, even the highest and most holy, if it is to kidnap and pull down the masses and stand victorious by them, must first embody in man. For specified a man, hero-winner, leader and typical of the national spirit, for specified a surviving moving altar of the homeland, we are all waiting in longing. This man will conquer all spirits with strength and love. He will have the power of a lion, coupled with a bileless dove heart. Against hypocrisy he will put sincerity, against envy a smile, against rebellion a calm and confident. By Law
He will have a conscience, and all act of it will be as clear as a sword drawn out of a vagina, shining toward the sun. In his soul there will never be this feeling of evil and low, characteristic of tiny people, this feeling which has its expression in the words, “First of all—me!” He and his homeland are one. He will not desire power, he will not even think of it, and it will come to him alone, and will take it as a burden, as the cross of consecration and denial. And erstwhile he fulfills his mission, he will submit
He humbled the power to return into the hands of the nation—and himself will be removed into the corner. From the pain of the parent is born a kid of each, from the torment of the nation is born specified a man. Our last torments are so great, so exceeding all the measures known to us that we can believe that this man of destiny is already on Polish land! It is, it grows and unknowing waits for God to call upon it. possibly an underage young man had seen respective years ago the fires of our villages; possibly he was sipping the dead in the night. Wherever he comes out, from the palace, from the hut, or from the workshop, let him be blessed! May the hope of seeing it come actual as shortly as possible! Hello and success to this large stranger!".
LIGHT AND SYBERIA
The man mentioned by Kornel Ujejski was already surviving in Vilnius – the land of the erstwhile Republic, located under the Russian partition. He was born
5 December 1867 in the property of Złów in the St. Joseph, for specified a name was given to the boy, was the 4th kid of Joseph and Mary Piłsudski from the home of Billewicz. Piłsudski – Polish noble coat of arms, a variation of Kościesz coat of arms.
First period of household life, happy, despite the memories of defeat
1863, passed irretrievably after 8 years. The failure of household property forced
Piłsudski to live in Vilnius. They lived under very humble conditions,
Sometimes in need, but despite this, it was the city of Wila that became the beloved place, the actual tiny homeland of the future Marshal, and there after years his heart rested. In 1877 Joseph became a student of the first mediate school, to which his older brother Bronisław attended. Greater Problems Than Teaching Brothers Piłsudski had with Russian teachers harassment them for speaking Polish. It was in the Russian gymnasium that for the first time straight experienced captivity, in which Poland remained for almost a century. In 1885, Józef Piłsudski passed his elder exam, and after his graduation he began studying medicine at the University of Kharkiv. discipline didn't last long. On 22 March 1887, he was arrested on suspicion of being active in preparations for the assassination of Tsar Alexander III and imprisoned, first in Vilnius and then in the Pietropawłowski fortress in St. Petersburg. The Piłsudski brothers did not know the mark of the conspirators. Their function was limited to overnighting 2 Russians in Vilnius, whom Bronisław besides borrowed 150 rubles and donated the chemicals needed to produce the bomb. The punishment for the conspiracy to the Tsar's life was very severe: Joseph remained
sentenced to 5 years of exile, Bronisław – at fifteen. From Petersburg, Józef Piłsudski was transported to Butyrka prison in Moscow. From there, after a long journey, partially on foot, he reached Siberia.
"SOCIALISM WAS THE TEREN OF THE FIGHTING ORGANISATION"
After 5 years of exile in Kirensk and Tunce, in July 1892. Józef Piłsudski returned to Vilnius. He met with a tiny group of sympathizers of socialist ideas and joined the Polish Socialist organization in February 1893. The main goal of this group formed in 1892 was to fight for Poland's independence, and after its recovery – socialist and democratic Poland. So he saw the function of PPS Józef Piłsudski, stating that "the socialist in Poland must strive for the independency of the country, and independency is simply a crucial condition for the triumph of socialism in Poland".
Stanislaw Cat-Mackiewicz correctly wrote that "Józef Piłsudski was in the PPS, as many representatives of Polish intelligence – not so much due to his interest in social issues, but due to the fact that “socialism was for him the area of organizing the fight.... It was a form of rebellion against police violence." The social group, which was the easiest at the time under the Russian occupation, was workers. In the past of PPS, Józef Piłsudski came to play a unique role. It consisted of de facto directing the organization in the country for the first years of its existence.
In February 1894, he became a associate of the Central Working Committee of PPS, in which he was the only 1 to sit continuously for 7 years. Due to arrests made by the Tsar police or for another reasons, the number of members of the Central Working Committee of PPS (CKR) varied, sometimes down to 2 people, including Józef Piłsudski himself. In addition to attending meetings and organization meetings, maintaining contacts with the Russian Social Democracy and controlling the very modest funds of the party, Józef Piłsudski initiated the release of the “Robotnik”, the main body of the PPS, which began to appear in July 1894. He was besides a leading writer of the magazine.
As he himself estimated, "the fact that there were printers in the country, the constant appearance of various publishing houses—the "robotnik" and the recall—had a deep and strong impression in his time on everyone who felt any desire to fight government oppression." He was supported primarily by Aleksander Sulkiewicz and the future president of Poland Stanisław Wojciechowski. In 1899, Józef Piłsudski, together with his late married Maria Juszkiewicz, "a beautiful female with large intelligence and a made-up wit", whom he met a fewer years earlier in Vilnius, lived under the name Dąbrowski in Łódź at 19m East Street. 4. The largest area of the rented flat was intended for a secret printery. On February 22, 1900, erstwhile Joseph Piłsudski made the 38th issue of the “Robotnik”, the Tsar gendarmes entered the apartment. They were going to arrest 1 of the socialist activists who worked with the Wiktor. To their surprise, they discovered the mill “Robotnik” sought after for six years.
Józef Piłsudski was immediately transported to Warsaw and on 17 April 1900 imprisoned in cell 39 of the celebrated 10th Warsaw Citadel Pavilion. He was threatened with a very advanced sentence, and even with the death punishment – he was already sent to Siberia once. In addition, he was accused of being active in the killings of Tsarist police implicators (which he had nothing to do with). So he began to simulate intellectual illness. Although the doctor who examined him realized what the real wellness condition of Józef Piłsudski was,
But bewitched by his different patient after being performed
with him, he gave a false diagnosis confirming the serious wellness condition of the subject. In this situation, the editor of the “Robotnik” was transferred to St Nicholas the Miraclemaker infirmary in St. Petersburg, due to the fact that he was afraid of being left in the territory of the Polish Kingdom in the right belief that he could easy be found at large. But as it shortly turned out, it was not impossible to get out of Tsar's capital. After a successful escape from St. Petersburg, where Sulkiewicz helped him,
Józef Piłsudski re-established at the PPS, which was experiencing a deep crisis at the time. Despite more than 10 years of activity, the party's influence in Polish society was small. The situation changed erstwhile in 1905 Russia, and with it the Russian occupation, took over the revolution. It was 1 of the consequences of the Russian-Japanese War, which broke out in February 1904 and unexpectedly rapidly took on a very unfavourable course for the Caric empire, which did not remain
without affecting Poles. Józef Piłsudski considered the war a chance to dynamicize
PPS activities in the spirit of independence. This meant fighting the possessor in the territory of the Kingdom of Poland. 1 of his most crucial initiatives at the time was to establish contact with the nipponese and talks held in July 1904 in Tokyo, where Piłsudski went with Titus Filipowicz. The effort to get Japan to support the anti-Russian diversion more powerfully failed, mostly torpedoed by its top opponent, Roman Dmowski
Józef Piłsudski himself was aware of different political goals of Poles and Japanese, which he expressed in the memorial presented to them, but emphasized the anticipation of temporary cooperation. Ultimately, the nipponese mission was primarily due to the thought contained in this memoriale – a strong message that "the strength of Poland and its importance among the components of the Russian state gives us the courage to set ourselves as a political goal – to break up the Russian state into the main components and to free up the force incorporated into the empire of countries. We consider this not only as fulfilling our cultural aspirations The homeland for self-being, but besides as a warrant of this existence, due to the fact that Russia, deprived of its conquests, will be weakened adequate to cease to be a dangerous and dangerous neighbour."
Since the Russian-Japanese War continued, in which Russia had already suffered clearly defeats, Józef Piłsudski considered it an chance to transform the revolution that took over the Kingdom into an anti-Russian uprising. To this end, he created the Combat-Conspiracy Organization – an armed arm of the PPS – which fought with the Russian authorities "In the state strategy of Russia, in the forces of the Polish society and in the cases that are happening before our eyes present there are a number of elements that must further make to the armed struggle.
"No healthy society will be without resisting active opposition to the economy of bandits, sustained by the authorities, and the authorities, sustained by bandits (...). The full social process, essential for the preparation of the armed movement, will most likely not be completed soon. But this process has already begun," he wrote. Józef Piłsudski's independency concept did not convince organization activists, called "young" who mostly joined the PPS after the revolution. They have created a PPS-Levice, which powerfully opposes the fight for Poland's independency and which considers itself a part of the Russian social democracy. Józef Piłsudski and his supporters – “old people” – called PPS-Revolutionary Fraction. The word “revolution” was for them the same as the uprising and the goal of a fresh group as
written in the first statement, was a "independent democratic Polish republic". Władysław Studnicki felt this split: "Save
The independency banner in Polish socialism and the independency action initiated by this faction (...) were of paramount importance to our political liberation.”
Meanwhile, the revolution in Russia began to decline, and in the autumn of 1906, it was known that there was no chance of an armed uprising in the Kingdom. In this situation, most of the leadership of the Revolutionary PPS-Fraction led by Józef Piłsudski went on emigration, mainly to the Austrian election.
WORKS OF THE PPS Combat Organization
Józef Piłsudski decided to end the operation with the last action and at the same time start a fresh phase of the fight. That was the genesis of a brazen robbery on a message car.
with money at the Bezdany railway station in Vilnius, made
On 26 September 1908, under the individual direction of Józef Piłsudski by 4 future prime ministers of independent Poland: apart from himself, by Walery Sławek, Alexander Prystor and Tomasz Arciszewski. The "socialist" phase of the political activity of Józef Piłsudski ended the datalessness. His real program outlined in a letter sent before going on the action to a friend, Socialist Felix Perl:
"I fight and die only due to the fact that in the outhouse of ours
Life, I can't live, it insults – you hear! – insults me as a man
with dignity not slave. Let others have fun increasing flowers,
or socialism, or Polishness, or anything else in the outhouse
(not even toilet) atmosphere – I can't!
It's not sentimental, it's not pouting, it's not a device for social evolution, it's a device for social evolution.
What, it's just average humanity. I want to win, and without a fight, I'm not even a wrestler, but I'm a beast, a stick or a drug. I think you realize me. Not despair, not sacrifice directs me, but the desire to conquer and prepare victory... You know my only hesitation is that this is
I'm going to die in an expedition and I want to explain that fact. The first is sentimentalism. He sent so many men, so many men to the gallows, that if I die, it would be natural for them, for these silent heroes, moral satisfaction, that their leader did not despise their work, but sent them only as tools for dirty work,
leaving himself clean. Once. The second is simply a strict necessity. Coin! Let them take her as much as I despise her, but I like to take her as a prey in battle, alternatively than beg for her in the childless Polish society, due to the fact that I do not have her, and I must have her for the purposes of the marked. I just want to be what they call me and a noble socialist and a man even enemies of nasty won't talk out loud, a man who has any merit in culture.
All-national, emphasize this bitterly very fact that in a society that can't fight for itself, which backs up from all whip falling on its face, people must die even in what is not noble, beautiful and great."
“To the enemies of Józef Piłsudski he remained without a tiny socialist life;
for those with him in the last period of his life Joseph Piłsudski
He was not a socialist at all," wrote Henryk Wereszycki, Stanisław Cat-Mackiewicz
And he will call him "Konrad Wallenrod of Polish Socialism".
Indeed, the dispute over whether Piłsudski was a socialist or not, absorbing so many researchers and publicists, seems barren. The future politician of the reborn state was a socialist for any part of his life, as he was the leader of the PPS in its first fewer years of history, and the process of leaving this group itself lasted respective years. "It was not Orthodoxly Marxist socialism... it was socialism linked to the tradition of the independency left, which combined the conflict for freedom
Poland with a social programme" wrote Andrzej Friszke.
The precedence was to fight the Russian possessor, not to implement the thought of the social left. Józef Piłsudski did not dig into the program analysis of socialist ideologists. About the basic reading of all socialist – the capital of Marx – he wrote: “I will not say that this reading makes a large impression on me. Marx's abstract logic and rule
the goods above man did not fit my brain.”
He took his ideological pedigree not from Marx's works or another socialism theorists, but
from the patriotism of the Polish nobility of Vilnius, which respective years before his birth so self-sacrificely fought Russia in unequal fights of the January uprising and the legend of the secret National Government, which led this fight without a chance of victory. He besides drew from the atmosphere of the household house, surviving on the past of 1863, and from his mother's story, which had a decisive influence on his upbringing.
"Our parent has tried from the earliest years to make in us the self-reliance of thought and excited the feeling of individual dignity, which in my head was formulated as follows: only this man worthy of the name of a man who has any conviction and is able to confess it regardless of the effects of the act. My parent utilized to hide me for the function she had played," he said shortly before he died. He besides took this ideological pedigree from Polish literature, primarily from the poesy of romantics, led by the beloved Slovak Juliusz, whose ashes in independent Poland he ordered to bring to Wawel, besides from the trilogy of Henryk Sienkiewicz. From the harm suffered in the anti-Polish chauvinism of the Russian school – after all, there was no Polish exile under the partition – and the Siberian exile, of which the influence on Józef Piłsudski was written by Studnicki: "He told that he had already met in the mediate school with Russia, which was brutally flung into the soul of youth, but the nature of Russia and its psychology, this desire to defile human dignity, understood right in Siberia".
Looking at Józef Piłsudski's full life, 1 can say that his activity in the socialist organization was for him the first phase of the fight for Poland's independence, erstwhile it seemed that this movement served her best. In time, however, it turned out that it limits its impact to only part of society and thus ceases to be an effective political tool. Michał Sokolnicki explained this: “As shortly as the PPS was incapable to win independency on its own, it was essential to look for another platform, a different complex, a fresh base of action.”
IRREDENT
The fresh platform has been consistently put into practice, without
party colors of the irredent, as was then called attempts to appear on
Independence. Józef Piłsudski did not break up with PPS, but focused on
the creation of armed forces. These intentions were expressed in the articles "Politics
active combat" from 1906 and above all in published 2 years
later “Robotnik”
How do we get ready for a conflict of war?
Organizational action was shortly launched. In preparation for action
Bezdanska from the inspiration of Józef Piłsudski, Kazimierz Sosnkowski established
in June 1908, in Lviv, the Secret Action Combat Union (ZWC) — organisation
personnel, which became the beginning of the nationwide military movement. "Only an armed fist can rip out the Tsar's concessions," said Kazimierz Sosnkowski at the founding gathering of ZWC – only it guarantees their maintenance. The independent democratic Polish republic lies at the distance of the armed arm.”
Soon, utilizing their autonomy in the Austrian occupation, but besides from the anti-Russian course of the political monarchy of the Danube, the activists of the ZWC developed openly
Shooting movement, focused in the firearm and firearm Union associations. They trained staff of the future Polish army.
The years 1908–1914 is simply a period of work at the root of the rebirth of the Polish military. However, fewer have thought about claiming independence. Józef Piłsudski was aware of the social indifference and deficiency of religion in the irrational slogan and the impact of both phenomena on the organizational weakness of the shooting movement. He later said that he and those who followed him to the Polish Legions after the outbreak of planet War I to fight for independence.
They blew against the storm of mistrust, contempt for those who dare to do specified crazy things." This mistrust, however, was opposed by Józef Piłsudski to the belief that if Poles want to influence their fate, then in the war between the invaders they must act with their own armed forces. He consistently implemented them, directing the Polish sabre first against Russia and later against the central states on which the Polish Legions formed in 1914 stood at the beginning of the large war. Regardless of the fact that Poles would "want this independency to cost 2 cents of spending and 2 drops of blood – but independency is simply a valuable but very costly good."
"I did not want to allow, at a time erstwhile on the surviving body of our homeland, the fresh borders of states and nations were cut with swords, only Poles were missing (...), the Polish sabre was missing".
Meanwhile, the preparations for the fight continued, and the affirmative origin was the exacerbating global situation, the ever-increasing conflict between powers, going beyond Europe.
In addition to directing the shooting movement and participating in applicable military training, Józef Piłsudski spent a large deal of time studying the explanation and past of military history. He was a large lover of the last one. After regaining independence, he said in his beloved Vilnius, "that he who does not respect and value his past is not worthy of the respect of the present, nor is he entitled to the future." He wrote any valuable works on the past of the January Uprising. He besides gave many lectures on the subject, later published
in his collective writings. The choice was not accidental, for from childhood he lived in the shadow of the insurgent legend. "Piłsudski loved this uprising, it was life's top attachment and love.
Patriotism, Poland – yes, but it is always so that the patriotic feeling turns into a form; Poland, the homeland, is seen through something, just as people see their childhood through a lake or through a forest, or through the bells of a sled(...).
"Józef Piłsudski saw his homeland, understood the love for Poland just by seeing these desperate heroic battles of 1863" wrote Stanisław Cat-Mackiewicz. The January uprising was always a point of mention for him, as he confirmed in many situations, specified as – ahead of events – erstwhile he chose
the anniversary of his outbreak on the day of the first gathering of the interim chapter of the Order of Virtuti Militari. The veterans of the uprising were besides the first Polish soldiers to be honored with the highest Polish soldier after independence
Military distinction.
This was symbolically done on 5 August 1921 at the site where the dictator of the January uprising of Romuald Traugutt and 4 of his closest
co-workers, next to Tsar Nicholas I of the Warsaw Citadel, in which Józef Piłsudski was besides imprisoned.
The will of Józef Piłsudski, who insisted on promoting the request to form human resources
military, she was decisive. Studnicki noted that “the request was the persistent will of Józef Piłsudski, his individual charm, his influence in PPS, his pursuit of military studies, to make the military organization, to give it weight.”
Was Joseph Piłsudski's script of events, according to which Germany and Austro-Hungary would beat Russia in the first phase of the future war, and that they would be defeated by England and France in the second?
Joseph Piłsudski’s earlier message indicates this. Well, the question asked by national democratic writer Joseph
Hłaska, 1 year before the Paris reading, or “to usage Austria with the possible that the full benefit will come to the Germans, who, as you yourself admitted, are our strong enemies”, Józef Piłsudski, unfavorable by the talker, replied, “Not necessarily. We will act as a stand-alone force, which, at the end of the war, at a time erstwhile the warring parties will be weary and exhausted, will be able to weigh at stake."
So it is certain that Józef Piłsudski considered specified a course of events as real, and Andrzej Kiikowski was right, writing that among Polish politicians "only Józef Piłsudski was consistent, accounting for the defeat of all 3 invaders".
However, what enabled political insight and flexibility was a consistent conviction that Józef Piłsudski expressed in 1904, “politics is not mathematics. Calculate and foretell everything that's impossible, but until
society is passive, expecting everything from accidents, from others, but not from each another – nothing will happen.” And that “every act is simply a risk. Chances are, but yet everything will depend on Poles themselves.” Józef Piłsudski
He did not want to wait passively for 1 of the invaders to decide for Poles about Poles. He set a maximalist goal – the recovery of an independent state. He considered the creation of his own armed force to be the most crucial in its implementation. Against his concept, the national camp did not consider it at all. It was only after the outbreak of the war that his activists attempted to form troops fighting on Russia's side under their own banner, which ended in a humiliating defeat, as the Russians wished
only Poles fighting in Russian uniforms.
WITH AND BRIGADE TO THE INCOME
Staff Company, formed by the order of Piłsudski immediately after the explosion
The First planet War, August 3, 1914, was the first since the January Uprising to be a regular subdivision of the Polish Army. 3 days later,
On 6 August, she left Krakow for Russian partition. Polish soldiers, whose only sign since then was Eagle White, having overthrown border posts in Michałowice, separating the Russian and Austrian partitions, began to conflict for Poland's independence. Another shooting squads entered the Kingdom behind the frame. However, the attitude of the Polish society in the Russian partition amazed Józef Piłsudski and his soldiers.
In Kielce, occupied on August 12, the shooters welcomed closed shutters. It was akin in another towns of this part of the Russian partition.
After the first battles in the Kingdom of Poland, in the autumn of 1914 the 1st Infantry Regiment
(in December of that year, converted to the First Brigade of Polish Legions) he fought hard with Russian troops in Podhale and Tarnowski under the command of Józef Piłsudski. A peculiarly fierce conflict took place on Christmas 1914 at Łowczówek (I Brigade in the absence of Józef Piłsudski was commanded by Colonel Kazimierz Sosnkowski). another legion troops fought in the Carpathians. In the spring of 1915, 2 more legionary brigades were formed: II and III. The bravery of soldiers of the Polish Legions, shown on the Russian front, first in the area of the Kingdom of Poland, where
In 1915, they fought with the Russians, among others, under Konarów and Jastkowo, and later in Volyn close Kuklady and in the largest conflict of Legions at Kostuuchnówka in the first days of July 1916, it left no illusions that they were fighting for an independent Polish state, not for the triumph of Germany and Austro-Hungarian, an alliance with them considered ad hoc. The heroic, unrelenting attitude of legionaries has besides gradually changed the indifferent, frequently unfavorable attitude of Polish society towards Polish Legions. General Kazimierz Sosnkowski was right erstwhile he said that,
"Polish legions have become a staff and moral stimulus which the full construction of the Polish army has resisted".
When Polish Legions began the Volyn campaign, Józef Piłsudski stopped
to them, due to the fact that he felt that ‘it would be a tribute offered to a abroad state without any compensation’. He besides began to make the secret Polish Military Organisation (POW), and in the spring of 1916 he demanded the “legionization” of the Polish Legions, that is, the removal of Austrian officers from them. The actions marked what the commandant himself said
And the Brigade, bidding the Polish case up. Józef Piłsudski sought to get the invaders to come forward with an offer of cooperation. He did not want anything at the hands of the Germans and Austrians, and at the beginning of the army he did not intend to stop, and as Włodzimierz Sulej wrote, he simply went against the current of those Polish politicians, “who were willing to go in close cooperation with the central states without prior conditions. ”
They bid – as Joseph Piłsudski put it – in a conversation with 1 of their colleagues – “in minus”. He no longer intended to endure “this willingness to proceed selling cheaply what we cannot morally give without asking for the will and opinion of the nation.... It will not happen again if my individual is to be taken in any number or combination.”
Despite the resignation of Józef Piłsudski and Kazimierz Sosnkowski to the firm demands of the Germans, the actions of the Polish irredent camp and the actions of the soldier
the legion has so far yielded average benefits. On 5 November 1916 the monarchs of Germany and Austro-Hungarian announced the decision to make an independent Poland in the future as a constitutional monarchy. By issuing it, both countries broke the age solidarity of the occupiers on the Polish case, which returned to the global arena. This was primarily the effect of the Act on November 5. Józef Piłsudski, who entered the Provisional Council of State appointed by the central states, the advisory body of the occupying authorities for legislative matters and the creation of further state facilities in the Kingdom of Poland, immediately began to request the conversion of the Polish Legions into a Polish army, which is solely governed by Polish power.
These demands were formulated increasingly decisively after the fall of the Tsarate in Russia in March 1917. erstwhile the invaders rejected Joseph Piłsudski’s demands, he resigned from the Council of State on 2 July and gave a clear signal to his officers: “Our common road with Germany ended. Russia, our common enemy in this planet war, has finished its role. The common interest ceased to exist. All our business and German business are against each other. It is primarily in the interests of the Germans to beat the Allies, in ours, that the Allies beat the Germans.” Germany wants to form an army and send it to the Western Front, “to show the planet that Poles are against France and England—against the West... so you will not go to this Polish army.” In the following days of July 1917, most legionaries refused to take an oath of allegiance to allied Germany and Austro - Hungary. In response, the Germans interned soldiers and officers of the 1st and 3rd Brigades in Beniaminów and Szczypiorno, and their Commander Józef Piłsudski along with General Kazimierz Sosnkowski – imprisoned, first in Gdańsk and later in Magdeburg.
Józef Piłsudski stayed there until November the following year under not very good conditions, which caused his wellness to deteriorate. He wrote about it to
her companion of life, who, after being separated from her first wife, was known respective years before the war broke out, Alexander Szczerbińska: “In fresh years, for reasons of heartache, I mean the anticipation of abrupt death before leaving prison. My last thoughts will surely be with you, my dear, and with my daughter.”
The first child, Wanda's daughter, was born during the captivity of the Magdeburg city to Józef Piłsudski. Józef Piłsudski was released from Magdeburg on the eve of the end of the war. Transported to Berlin erstwhile again, he rejected the demands of the German authorities, which wanted him to commit to never acting against Germany. shortly with the gene. Kazimierz Sosnkowski departed by train to the country and arrived in Warsaw on 10 November 1918, inactive occupied by Germans. The next day, the Regency Council entrusted Józef Piłsudski with command over the Polish Armed Forces. He immediately began forming the Polish army, and on 12 November 1918 gave his first order. At the same time, the capital of Poland was liberated, thanks to the agreement that Józef Piłsudski concluded with representatives of the German garrison. German troops left the Kingdom of Poland, leaving a large part of the weapons and another military equipment. This agreement was besides valid for German forces located in the north-eastern lands of the Republic of Poland. Józef Piłsudski negotiated that they evacuate to Germany through east Prussia, bypassing Poland.
RETURNING DAY OF LEAVE 11 NOVEMBER 1918
11 November 1918 – Józef Piłsudski's command over the emerging Polish Army and the liberation of Warsaw from the hands of the Germans – was rightly considered Poland's Day of Independence. It coincided with the ceasefire on the Western Front and the end of planet War I.
On the 4th day after his return to the country, the Regency Council handed over political power to Commandant I of the Brigade. He became the politician of the State with fullness
power following the example of Gen. Tadeusz Kościuszko, chief of insurrection 1794.
16 November 1918. Józef Piłsudski sent a message in which as Chief Leader of the Polish Army he informed all governments and nations fighting in the war just ended and neutral about the uprising of the Independent Polish State, "covering all the lands of united Poland".
Two days later, he established the First Government of Poland, headed by Jędrzej Moraczewski. Within a fewer weeks, the Prime Minister of the State submitted to another centres of power on Polish lands in addition to Wielkopolska, which recognized the sovereignty of the Polish National Committee of Paris for respective months.
Józef Piłsudski then signed all authoritative acts of the Republic, including those concerning elections to the Legislative Sejm.
They were held on 26 January 1919 according to democratic electoral ordination. little than a period later, he signed a resolution of the Sejm “On entrusting Józef Piłsudski to proceed to hold the Office of the Chief of State”, popularly called the small Constitution. It stated that the ultimate typical of the Republic was the Chief of State. He elected Joseph Piłsudski to this office on 20 February 1919. Its competence included, among another things, the appointment of a government in agreement with the Sejm, before which he and the government were responsible.
"My first determination was to search law and strengthen his sense of self
throughout the nation," he said about these months of his rule.
Joseph Piłsudski's supremacy of the resurgent state was advocated not only by his legacy of independence, but besides by the popularity and sympathy he gained erstwhile he was interned due to opposition to the German and Austrian occupier
in Magdeburg. "Józef Piłsudski, as Andrzej Friszke noted, was at the time the only politician who had adequate authority and competence to take over the management of the state at the time of its organisation. He was the only policy of this format that understood the request to consolidate the opinion and did not prosecute right-wing or clearly left-wing governments, but thought of connecting with the state as much as possible
all Poles’.
He was seen as a Providing Husband, individual who is able to supply unchangeable and decisive power in a situation where the emerging Polish State threatened many dangers from the outside. This attitude was besides conducive to the fact that Józef Piłsudski was no longer a man of 1 party. "His actions since his return to the country are a meaningful evidence that he wanted to play the function of coordinator of the national effort, capable of creating from Poland a post-war state chaos, which in this part of Europe would be a standing of order, thus gaining a powerful meaning," wrote Włodzimierz Sulej.
The fact that Józef Piłsudski does not want to be connected to any group
political, shortly his erstwhile co-workers, Witold Jodko-Narkiewicz and Władysław Baranowski, were convinced, who went to visit Belvedere in mid-January 1919. In view of rumors of a planned change of the left-wing government of Jędrzej Moraczewski, they intended to convince the Commander of the necessity
maintain the existing cabinet. Piłsudski's answer was reported by Baranowski:
“You don’t realize my situation and the full situation at all. It's not the left or the right, I have it in d... I'm not here from the left and for her, I'm for the whole... interior affairs will be handled by the Sejm, which I call upon. What will be left or right – we will see. All my efforts must go towards the army. That's it.
I try... You know abroad and you know what it's like out there; it's going to be Jędrzej Moraczewski talking to them, you see that? Wouldn't it be better if Ignacy Paderewski spoke with them?(...). It's all about boundaries and another details that are so crucial to us. In Paris they got utilized to Roman Dmowski (...). What Roman Dmowski will demand, even if he demands besides much, it is no harm... You're just looking at today. People's rule! I'm mocking people's governments or another governments at the moment,
what Poland will bring, what needs. erstwhile I have the army, I will have everything in my hand.” On any further objections we put forward, I can't remember what the chief shouted for good and raised on the bed: "I'm tired of all this talk, these hints!... to d... with your advice, to d...," he cried. – I request a soldier, you hear!”
The atmosphere became dangerous, needed diplomatic
by agreeing to the Chief's opinion and withdrawing.
This is the transfer of Poland's representation to the Peacekeeper conference
The National Democracy Roman Dmowski, to whom Józef Piłsudski sent a individual letter with an offer of cooperation, demonstrated that the Chief of State serves the full society. It proved that it was its precedence to establish an armed force and to supply Poland with borders and security. Joseph Piłsudski was no longer a socialist, but “a state man..., a Democrat, delicate to issues of freedom, labour and social rights...
"He was undoubtedly the leader of the Republican, democratic camp, but he cared for a compromise with the right, without which the Independent Poland could not exist," wrote Andrzej Friszke.
However, the chief concern of the State politician was not interior issues, but the creation of an army, which he powerfully emphasized in many authoritative statements. The military, before which “great tasks arose in the beginning of its existence”, as General Kazimierz Sosnkowski later said, adding: “The consequence of the planet War gave us
existence without borders; the day of truce on the Western Front is the beginning of a long-term war for independency defined, i.e. a war for borders.
These wars had to be fought with their own forces.” In east Małopolska, the struggles with Ukrainians continued, in the north the Bolshevik troops occupied Vilnius in the first days of 1919, and in Wielkopolska the fight against Germany was carried out (completed successfully in mid-February 1919), the issue of advanced ownership was pending
Silesia. The Czechs hit Silesia. The construction of the Polish Army in specified hard circumstances was a large success of the Chief of State and its colleagues, with the Deputy Minister (later Minister) of Military Affairs
General Kazimierz Sosnkowski headed. Not only organizational, but “all that is in our military uniform gives strength and power to the state. It gives an indomitable force that is about our existence, about our power, about our freedom.” “Without troops, our importance in the planet is nothing,” says Józef Piłsudski a fewer years later. 22 December 1918. The Chief of State went to Lviv, under which the fighting continued, and personally made a visit to the troops on the first line of highly fierce fighting. To assure soldiers and officers that “all Lviv will defend its right to belong to the Polish state, Piłsudski said, "That's good. This must be the case.”
At the same time, he sincerely expressed his belief that Poland did not want to interfere with the interior affairs of its neighbours, but that it could not let “that under any circumstances or circumstances, even under the appearance of an alleged benefit, our right to live independently is violated. We will not quit the Polish land and we will not let our limits to which we have the right be depleted." In the spring of 1919, spectacular successes were achieved in fighting the Bolsheviks in the northeast. In April, Vilnius was taken from them. The excellent maneuver of the Polish cavalry, which gave triumph to Polish troops, was the consequence of an operation prepared under the supervision of the Chief
The chief. He later recalled his entry to Vilnius as 1 of the top individual triumphs and 1 of the most beautiful experiences of his life, “when I entered Vilnius as a winner erstwhile I rode horseback on the streets of Vilnius as I was pulsing in front of me. ”
Soon, however, the Red Russian authorities began to prepare for aggression against Poland. Józef Piłsudski had no illusions about their intentions. "No substance what her government is, Russia is fiercely imperialistic. This is even a fundamental feature of its political character. "We had imperialism; present we see imperialism red," he said. The words of a prominent historian from the opposing national camp of Władysław Konopczyński, who called Russia, would most likely be close to him.
"the eternal independency of our enemy." Józef Piłsudski himself, drawing
a national programme to form the Polish east border,
He wanted to separate Poland from Russia, inhabitants of present-day Belarus and Ukraine, while giving the ability to decide about itself. "Poland goes everywhere with the slogan of freedom, Poland goes not out of the desire to oppress with a brutal soldier's shoe, not eager to impose on anyone any adherence to its rights," he said in September 1919, liberated from the hands of Bolshevik Minsk Lithuanian. In a akin vein, he spoke to the people of Volyn a fewer months later: “Volyn is populated by various nationalities, religions, and languages. If people don't show respect and trust each other, the state of affairs will never last. Only the cooperation of all religions, states and nationalities can sustain it." ‘ I stopped the ellipse of past for a moment" - said Józef Piłsudski.
In view of the clear preparations of Bolsheviks for aggression in April 1920. Poland entered into an alliance with the leader of Ukrainian independency forces Symon Petlura.
Symon Wasylovich Petlura (ukr. Си́мон Васи́льович Петлю́ра; born 10 May?/ 22 May 1879 in Poltava, born 25 May 1926 in Paris) is simply a Ukrainian social democratic and national politician, writer, writer and journalist. DOB: 19.9.1964
In the same month, the Polish army under the individual command of Marshal Józef Piłsudski, supported by Ukrainian allies, began an offensive which led to the seizure of Kiev in May. In the mediate of June, however, in the northern section of the front, the situation began to change to the detriment of Poland, and in the south, Polish troops were forced by the Red Army to retreat from Kiev, shortly it besides occurred on the northern section of the front due to the start of the 4th July offensive of Mikhail Tuchaczewski at an alarming rate flooding Poland: on 11 July Bolsheviks took Minsk, 14 July – Vilnius, 19 July – Grodno, and 28 July – Białystok. The 1st Horse Army of Siemion Budionny besides caused horror, which penetrated the premises of Polish troops and carried out barbarous murders and ravages in east Małopolska.
The hard situation on the front made the enemy Joseph Piłsudski Narodowa
Democracy began blaming him for causing war failures and making the most ridiculous accusations. In July, at the Council of Defense, the Marshal made himself available to her. In his absence, he received unanimous support.
Meanwhile, there was a decisive clash with the Red Army.
In the first half of August 1920. The Chief Leader began to implement the counteroffensive plan a fewer years later, saying: “With a fewer times of all the tests of the bill, I decided 2 things: to retreat to the south most of our 4th army and to hazard the confederate shield by pulling out 2 divisions that I thought were the best – 1st and 3rd legions. Then I yet decided that
I'll lead the counterattack myself, though I prejudged it.
Joseph Piłsudski did not respond to slander. "After passing through the swamp, I look at somewhat wet legs and walk on," he said in 1922. At the convention of the legionaries in Lviv, he explained: “These slanders, this persistent method of lying, which are characterized by the ability of certain parties influencing society, on the souls of many
Poles have their origin in slavery. As the object of the lie, as the Chief of State and the Chief Chief, I did not want to respond to it by means of state repression. I did not find state repressive measures to lie, so I did not usage them.” Ignacy Daszyński was right erstwhile he wrote in 1925,
that “the mark of the greatness of Joseph Piłsudski is the incredible ability
to endure adversity and the darkest ingratitude." However, the prominent leader of Polish socialists added: "There is not adequate foul mud that Józef Piłsudski does not blame "roders". For 2 decades, they lie and slander, diminish, twist, rob with honor insults or much worse, due to the fact that innuendos, attributing to him the darkest, most vile intentions and plans. Everything that did not believe in independency or did not want it, everything that was afraid of the independent act of the Polish risk, and that was and is the vast majority of Polish opinion, fought Józef Piłsudski. No 1 tried to hurt Joseph Piłsudski for 2 decades as Poles... How much suffering ability, how much steadfast endurance it took for
It is the mud to get through and not to throw distant a immense issue: the foundation of the Polish State".
When part of the Polish troops defended Warsaw, resisting the Bolshevik attacks at Radzymin and Ossow, the divisions commanded by Marshal Józef Piłsudski, who was on the front line of the fight, on 16 August 1920 began the offensive from the Wiep, striking towards Minsk Mazowiecki, Siedlce, Interfer to Włodawa, Lublin. On the same day, the alleged Moscow group was broken up, covering Bolshevik troops at Warsaw. "The attack by the Chief Commander's army was so striking, so unexpectedly violent that the full central Bolshevik force could not defy it for an hour. The battle, driven from all position, began to run in panic on Siedlce, Brest Litewski and beyond," wrote War correspondent Adam Grzymała-Siedlecki. The Bolsheviks were rejected east. Although the triumph in the conflict of Warsaw was the uncontested merit of the chief commander, Marshal Józef Piłsudski, part of politicians, primarily from the national democratic camp, sought heroes elsewhere. As Sulej wrote: “The town of the winner’s feast was almost immediately attempted to make Joseph Haller, who ordered eight-day prayers.
"about the miracle over Vistula", and as the creator of the strategical concept of counterattack Weyganda was promoted, though he himself unambiguously and then and after years stated that it was Joseph Piłsudski who decided the plan of the battle. The best summary of the efforts of Polish creators of the legend Gen. Weygand as the author of the triumph over Bolsheviks were the words of Marian Hemar:
But erstwhile it happened once
One actual saint
He was between us and above us.
The clouds grew, incomprehensible
She took his most sacred toil
The Saints are a jealous bunch
In a wonderful life they saw: a miracle
by the grace of the saint, Weyganda.
Both the belief in the decisive function of General Weygand and the conviction of the “miracles over the Vistula” that has been spread today, without mentioning the name of the Chief Leader, were intended to take distant Joseph Piłsudski's merit of triumph over the Bolsheviks. The victories in the war, which decided to be Poland – the first since the Viennese Victoria, in the well-known Warsaw conflict and the wrongly forgotten German. The merit belonged to Joseph Piłsudski
as Chief Chief of the Polish Army, thus besides sole work for the adopted conflict plan and its outcome, besides in the event of defeat. It was his decisions and bravery following his orders of officers and Polish soldiers who fought for everything at the time, that gave victory.
The Holy Father John Paul II spoke beautifully of this merit in 1991:
“If God lets me be on Wawel again, I will go to
I will go to the tomb of the Marshal. Then I came into the world, erstwhile they went to Warsaw Bolsheviks, erstwhile the Miracle on the Vistula was made, and his tool, the tool of this Miracle on the Vistula in a military sense, was undoubtedly Józef Piłsudski and the full Polish Army. I am glad that in sovereign Poland they regain the radiance and appropriate meaning of patriotic ideas related to the defence of the Homeland, with the First Marshal of Poland Józef Piłsudski.”
Another version, that the chief author of the triumph was the chief
General Staff of the Polish Army, General Tadeusz Rozwadowski,
he contradicts his letter of August 15, 1920, in which he wrote: “I feel
general that the full action develops positively and that as far as we have
the favourable conditions, as Mr. Commandant predicted.... Well
And here, rather as ordered by Mr. Chief, the execution is already
in advancement (...).
I consider the coordination of the 4th and 3rd Army actions very fortunately conceived by Mr. Chief. The agreement of the 4th Army with the 1st Army has been excellently prepared by Mr. Commandant and hope that by keeping in close contact, I will velocity things up so that we are ready to cooperate here from the 17th morning.” Thus, as Suley wrote, General Tadeusz Rozwadowski “on the eve of the decisive
The strike [...] treated the Chief Leader as the sole author of the conflict plan, as well as the primary implementer of the plan. hard to conclude: it is so time to halt arguing over facts, not utilizing documents, but increasing from political disputes with interpretations, a thin line sometimes separated from innuendo.”
BOLSHEVICK RESPONSIBILITIES IN WARSAW BITU
Meanwhile, Bolsheviks after defeat in the conflict of Warsaw brought
all their military reserves and in early September 1920 concentrated
forces in the Grodna region of Germany with the intention of taking a fresh attack on a large scale and reversing the destiny of the war.
Chief Marshal Józef Piłsudski prevented this, and the Polish army commanded by him completely crushed the opponent. The battle, planned and conducted by Józef Piłsudski in a very Napoleonic style, became an example of perfect and optimal in the conditions of command at the time.
The triumph over Germany yet established his position as
one of the top chieftains in native past and restoration
traditions of victorious hetmans of the Republic of Poland.
The war with Russia Bolshevik was won. It was besides the first and last war since modern times, in which Poland won, and in a spectacular style. Józef Piłsudski prevented Bolsheviks from mastering not only Poland, but besides at least a crucial part of Europe. Even if the words of Ignacy Matuszewski, a prominent walsudczyk, were exaggerated, that it was the Chief of the Polish State who held the “world that saved”, it is certain that
Joseph Piłsudski showed the biggest
determination and effectiveness in action to halt the threat of communism to the world.
The First Marshal of Poland Józef Piłsudski had no illusions that the peace treaty in Riga, signed on 18 March 1921, would defend Poland from the danger constantly threatening Russia overtaken into the russian Union. "Poland will never agree to go to death voluntarily, trying to taste communism too," he said. It has not been 2 weeks since the triumph at Warsaw, erstwhile he expressed his belief that "there is no request to be deceived, even if we make peace, we will always be the mark of the attack on the part of Russia." In the order issued after the victory, he pointed out that "Poland is surrounded by enemies who are waiting for moments of weakness to turn it back into nothingness". Of course, he thought first of all about both her top neighbors.
The horror of their impact on Poland continued to bother him until his last days. After the war, Marshal Józef Piłsudski continued to hold the post of Chief of State. In March 1921, he signed a constitutional bill. He refused to request his candidacy for the position of president of the Republic of Poland, and the reasons for this decision were presented in a speech at the Council of Ministers
4 December 1922. 10 days later in Belvedere there was a ceremony of handing over power by the warden of the state to the first president of Poland,
Gabriel Narutovich. Joseph Piłsudski then had the full right to say to the gathered: “I accept the masters in this gray, without badges, the coat of fire, in which I came... from it I will come out... without place on my uniform.”
HATE VIEW
DEATH OF THE president GABRIEL `18 DECEMBER 1922
President Gabriel Narutovich stopped in front of 1 of the paintings. He leaned a small to see the work up close. The guests gathered in the gallery abruptly heard 3 not besides loud shots. Gabriel Narutowicz wobblyed and – sustained by his companions – slid to the floor. A minute later, he died.
The first president of the Republic of Poland, elected just a fewer days earlier, was murdered on 16 December 1922 during the beginning of the exhibition of fine arts in Warsaw Zachęta. The crime was done by artist and educator Eligiusz Niewięcowski. The killer did not even effort to escape, although – as he reminds us in his book "Ready for Violence. Mord, anti-Semitism and Democracy in Interwar Poland" Paweł Brykczyński – "(...) witnesses said that it was easy to do so – either immediately after the shootings were fired or later, utilizing confusion. According to any accounts, the chaos was so large that Eligius Niewodwiski was left in 1 of the rooms completely without guard. alternatively of trying to escape, however, he sat there motionlessly, with his mouth clenched, his legs crossed, and a passionate look on his face.
The killer's unusual behaviour became clear during the trial. Eligiusz Niewiedski showed no remorse, but, on the contrary, he seemed pleased that he could publically express his motivation and willingly disputed the act. He was a supporter of the “national ideology” and morbid anti-Semite. He confessed that he originally intended to execution Józef Piłsudski, whom he blamed for allowing the left to regulation and yielding to “Jewish influences”. Why did he kill Narutovich?
The killer explained that his act was "(...) 1 of the episodes of fighting for the nation, fighting for the Polishness. As such, my act defends itself, speaks for itself.... I believe that as a man, as a professor, as a husband, as a father Gabriel Narutovich was a good, noble, venerable man (...) for me he did not be as a man, but as a symbol of the political situation (...)”. Eligiusz Niewiadowski saw in the individual Gabriel Narutowicz the policy chosen by political opponents – competitors of the right, successor to hated Józef Piłsudski.
The Marshal himself did not compete for the office of head of state. The election was to be held on 9 December 1922 by the National Assembly – the combined chambers of the Sejm and the Senate. 5 candidates were reported. The condition of triumph was to get an absolute majority of votes. The procedure lasted over 8 hours. To the 5th circular of the vote, they passed by right-wing groups number Maurycy Zamoyski and Gabriel Narutowicz – reported by the Polish People's organization (PSL) “Liberation”, supported by the left and national minorities. His final triumph over Zamoyski was determined by the voices of PSL “Piast”. The first president of the Republic of Poland came from a noble household settled in Lithuania. He was an engineer – an outstanding specialist in hydroelectric plant construction. Before
And the planet War worked in Switzerland, and he besides taught at the method University of Zurich. He returned to reborn Poland in 1919. He celebrated the offices of the Minister of Public Works and then Minister of abroad Affairs. As Paweł Brykczyński writes, "(...) although according to all accounts he enjoyed the respect of everyone who worked with him, he was an anonymous figure for most Poles (...)". A well-educated, well-known European liberal and atheist has become the victim of an highly aggressive political assault on the right hand side – especially the camp of National Democracy. On December 10, right-wing newspapers powerfully emphasized the fact that Narutovich was voted by representatives of national minorities, especially Jews. Protests were called upon. shortly the anti-Semitism-absorbed crowds came to the streets of Warsaw. force was increasing. Beaten Jews. On 11 December, the angry supporters of National Democracy tried to prevent the President-elect from reaching the oath ceremony.
His carriage was covered with branches and snow. There was a riot at 3 Cross Square. A associate in the socialist manifestation was killed. Finally, on 14 December, Narutowicz took over the powers of the head of state from the hands of Józef Piłsudski, as the erstwhile Chief of State. But he inactive received letters and telegrams with threats...
The killer, Eligius Unknown, acted alone. His act, however, was preceded by a large wave of hatred raised by National Democracy. The tragic death of the head of state caused a shock – the moods were cool. Authorities have arranged a funeral. The body of the murdered president was laid in the crypt of St John's Cathedral in Warsaw. In January 1923 he was named after the square in Warsaw Ochota. The artists created works dedicated to Narutovich. The designation came besides late...
"The assassination of president 16 December 1922, 2 days after embrace
Through his office, he shook the First Marshal of Poland Józef Piłsudski. As Wacław Jędrzejewicz emphasized, Gabriel Narutowicz's death was “a large individual tragedy for Józef Piłsudski, from which he could never recover again“(...). She changed his character. Deep outrage and disgust at the relations of Polish political groups, the expression of which was this death, will be a characteristic feature of Marshal Józef Piłsudski in his further years of life." As we know, the first mark of the bomber was Józef Piłsudski himself. However, erstwhile it turned out that he was not moving for the office of president of the Republic, Gabriel Narutowicz was the victim.
In mid-April 1923 the Chapter of the Order of Virtuti Militari unanimously adopted a resolution: "to broadcast 'The large Cross of Virtuti Militari's Military Order... to Józef Piłsudski, the First Marshal of Poland, as Chief Chief Leader, for the winning Polish-Bolshevian War". Its signatories included Lieutenant Generals Tadeusz Rozwadowski and Stanisław Szeptycki – in the close future the opponents of Marshal Józef Piłsudski. Józef Piłsudski became the second Pole awarded 1st class to this oldest military order in the planet (the first was Prince Józef Poniatowski) and the last, but for the unlawful broadcasts of Stalinist marshals: Michał Roli-Żymierzski and Constant Rokossowski.
In late June 1923 Marshal Józef Piłsudski decided to resign
from all positions held, besides from the post of Chief of General Staff, which he assumed the next day after the assassination of president Gabriel Narutovich. However, erstwhile he left, he gained 1 more satisfying designation of his merits. On 28 June 1923, the Sejm of the Republic of Poland adopted a resolution stating that "Marszałek Józef Piłsudski as Chief of State and Chief Leader deserved the nation".
After withdrawing from political life Marshal Józef Piłsudski lived with
his wife Alexandra and daughters – five-year-old Wanda and born
In 1920, Jadwiga – in Podwarszawski Sulejówku, in a home purchased from contributions of soldiers of the Polish Army (he married for the second time on 25 October 1921, after the death of Maria Piłsudska in August of that year). He kept up with writing and reading. "The sums he received from it were not advanced and equal to the monthly wage of the captain of the Polish Army," Jędrzejewicz wrote,
Stanislaw Cat-Mackiewicz added that "this contempt for money, this absolute selflessness of Józef Piłsudski both in relation to himself and his relatives, however, went into broad spheres of public opinion, to the people who regarded Józef Piłsudski as their protector". specified an attitude aroused widespread respect, as well as the fact that Marshal Józef Piłsudski had nothing in common – as Władysław Studnicki put it – with the 'largest political group in Poland – a group of people in request of jobs'.
In mid-April 1926, I was privileged to welcome Marshal Joseph Piłsudski back to my home... “Where can I thank the Marshal for his gracious visit?” I asked erstwhile he left. "Tomorrow morning, I return to Warsaw. In the square outside the station were collected battalions, 1 of each of the Vilnius regiments.
The marshal celebrated them; looking at it, I understood why the soldiers worshiped him so much, there was nothing in him general, commanding him; it was a beloved grandfather, an older fellow of his soldiers; he walked beside him, in 1 line with the first line of the branch, who escorted him to the entrance to the station; he walked the “grandfather” step of an old, a bit weary man, leaning from 1 side to the other.
the second – mentioned the outstanding thinker Marian Zdzechowski. He returned to power after a coup made in May 1926. The overthrow of the government and the victims of the assassination were later heavy criticized. However, in the political situation at the time, a large part of society supported the actions of Józef Piłsudski. Marshal Joseph Piłsudski himself called for reconciliation a week later: “When the brothers have love for 1 another, a knot is bound between them, stronger than another knots.
human. erstwhile the brothers conflict and the knot breaks, their feud is besides stronger than the others. It's the law of human life. We showed him a fewer days ago erstwhile we fought respective days in the capital. In 1 land our blood, earth, and 1 and the other, flowed equally in love. Let this blood of hot, the most precious blood of a soldier in Poland, under our feet
will be a fresh seed of brotherhood (...)" he wrote in an order issued to the Polish Army.
"He ruled Poland for 9 years, gave the Republic an independent abroad policy and a fresh constitution. Later there was his illness and death. From the beginning of 1935, the wellness condition of Marshal Józef Piłsudski deteriorated. On May 4, he asked for a ride to Belvedere. 8 days later, he died. “Józef Piłsudski had fanatical admirers who loved him more than his own parents than his own children, but there were many people who hated him, had full layers of population, full districts of Poland against each other, powerful distrust of each other. And here it was not known on the day of the funeral," wrote Stanisław Cat-Mackiewicz. “The news of his death
came to Vilnius late at night; the editor of "The Word" immediately notified Alexander Meysztowicz. The butler heard them talk."Lord – asked after the editor's departure – what we will now do without him, so we will all die (...)". At the Mass of St. Mary celebrated by Fr. Bishop Michalkiewicz in the church of St. John, the church was overflowing and all were crying in 1 voice" – recalled Marian Zdziechowski.
In our ears so far, The noises of the horse's hooves knock on the pavement and among the thunder of cheers and shouts and roars the orchestra plays the song of the sculpture “We First Brigade!” He plays the song “What has begun to despair, let him execute courage!” And he plays “March, march, Poles, God has given us victory!”
And the heads rise, the banners bow, And he can't talk. The uniform's grey on it.
And so he remained in this poem of Lechonia, in these words:
Enchanted, like a homey hero,
During his lifetime, he was transformed into a poetic monument
Which now lasts as long as Polish speech
I'll ringing and ringing and sing like a violin,
It's woven in snake and braid poetry.
Christmas
Marian Hemar
The death of the Marshal touched almost the full nation, including people who
once sympathizing with him, they criticized his policy after the coup
May.
The reasons for this widespread grief may have been the best
words from the ceremony speech of president Ignacy Muscicki.
"Józef Piłsudski gave Poland freedom, boundaries, power and respect".
The death of the Marshal, the despair of society, and the concerns of future events were a prelude to the upcoming tragedy, which 4 years later,
In September 1939, it fell on the Polish state.
“He was a large man, but as all man did not avoid errors, and his certain ways of dealing met with a harsh assessment of the people of his contemporaries, they do not find approval and in this generation. But no honest man can
challenge the large work of the consistent conflict for the independency of the country to which he devoted his full life. "He was 1 of the prominent Poles of the era in which he lived, a Siberian exile, a prisoner of the Tsar in the 10th Citadel Pavilion
Warszawska, a prisoner of Germany in the Magdeburg fortress," wrote Zbigniew Wójcik, a prominent Polish historian whose father – a legionist and a walsudczyk – directed the protection of the Marshal.
Opponents whose dislike was first due to ideological reasons, later primarily due to envy against the triumph of the 1 from whom the struggles for Poland's independency over the years mocked, “the aim was to bring the increasing legend to the flatest possible extent. It was, of course, an expression of helplessness towards a legend, an unconscious belief that in this form an crucial tradition was concentrated
The Polish political thought of the 19th century, with which these publishers besides refused to agree.
Today we see that these disinheriting treatments are unrealistic" – wrote Marcin Król and Wojciech Karpiński. The communist government in post-war Poland found this to be true, which zealously cared that “no 1 tried to smuggle even a friendly mention of Józef Piłsudski. The only thing allowed was to spit on the Chief and Marshal's character, in accordance with the ideas of any of the old
Endeck magazines. In this spirit they were written – both publicistly, and pseudoscientificly "[...]. It did nothing," said excellent Polish historian Jerzy Łojek in 1985.
The charges formulated present against Józef Piłsudski usually have small to do with the pursuit of the fact about Commandant I of the Brigade and its times. Their authors, without taking into account the historical context of the Marshal's activities, attribute only bad intentions and bad will to him in his decisions.
All so that, unless it is removed from the national memory, at least reduce its performance.
But as Jarosław M. Rymkiewicz wrote: “National memory is sovereign memory
– she knows what to remember, she remembers, without asking us.” So it is not that we ourselves "have her remember something, and we have her forget something else."
"The fact is, as Zbigniew Wójcik wrote, that Piłsudski but often
fanatical devotees “had and still... many ruthless, unrepeated
have since his death been regarded as a priority, usually in primitive form, depreciating merit in the work of regaining the independency of Poland and defending the reborn state against the Bolshevik aggression, who "make the national memory remember" that the Polish case was said to have been permanently harmful. Their efforts are vain. Sigismund Nowakowski wrote in planet War II: “Stop fighting your name. You'll lose due to the fact that you fight
With a name, you want to fight a song. She's elusive and elusive,
It is neither blight nor arguments... What is more, it is irrational, choosing to be a kingdom of affection, or instinct. Will this song fade erstwhile individual closes their ears?...Irrational instinct,...forgetting what was painful, binds – 3 times, 1 100 times rightly – everything that was good, beautiful, own.”
Let those words suffice for an answer that does not give credit
to the 1 who could carry “his thoughts furiously persistent creatures
what would be a function of the strength of a country, a country that continued in severe captivity
embarrassing, soul-breaking and character-breaking.”
Aleksander Szumański, Bożena Rafalska "Lviv meetings"
