The 100th anniversary of the assassination of the first president of the reborn Poland, Gabriel Narutowicz, became an chance to play political games between the opposition and the PiS. In this ahistoric farce of the PiS is to play the function of an endection (ND), and the opposition of Narutovich and the centre-left.
It must be made clear to ourselves that these powerful analogies between the 1922 tragedy and the current situation are completely missed. The specified fact that he is “doing” present is simply a farce for his intention. Firstly, the PiS never referred to the ND tradition, only to Piłsudski, who during the 1922 crisis stood on the side of the barricade with which the opposition is now identified. Secondly, these analogues are always drawn, disconnected from the realities of the time and service exclusively the current political game. They're historic.
Does it substance what happened 100 years ago? Who is liable for Gabriel Narutovich's death? Is it actual that the then camp of National Democracy, as almost universally assured as the political and historical ignorant, is liable for the assassination of Narutovich? In this situation, we decided to give the level to a witness of past – a Senator of the People's and National Union Julius ZdanowskiWho's already been on our pages. Zdanowski was 1 of the most insightful observers of political life, he left an extraordinary origin – a multi-sett page diary written frequently daily. He represented the political mainstream of the then ND, or leadership of the People's-National Union.
There is no uncertainty that during this game, which was the election by the Sejm and legislature of the first president – ND made mistakes, and Zdanowski writes about it. He thinks he's a better candidate than Maurice Zamoyski was Wojciech TrzempczyńskiWhat he proposed almost at the last minute. Not due to the fact that Zamoyski was worse, but due to the fact that he was easier to swallow by MPs from another clubs, mostly PSL Piasta, who did not want to vote in any way.
Secondly, the elections were held “in the dark”, without certainty, who would vote, e.g. PSL Piast. It was considered that it would “break out”, as Zdanowski wrote, here and there a fewer missing voices. There it is. surely Trzempczyński was a safer candidacy, although given later accidents – the candidacy had to be determined together from the very beginning with PSL Piast and could have been already then Stanisław Wojciechowski. It came from PPS, but during the war it identified with anti-German orientation Roman Dmowski and did not support Piłsudski. Besides, he practically appeared from the PPS from 1905, not accepting the influx of Jews into its ranks, and then the panic that PPS-Revolutionary Fraction used. In addition, PPS besides produced 1 of the leading politicians of the ND, or Stanisław Grabski, and respective others besides had "socialist pedigrees".
Anyway, the choice of Narutovich was surely a shock to ND, but it is not actual to claim that it called for a riot. specified a directive the Club of the People's and National Union did not issue, so the image presented in an outstanding movie Jerzy Kavalerovich The "Death of the President" where we see people going out into the street waiting for a signal from the Sejm is totally false. On the contrary, MPs and senators of the ND were afraid about the scale and radicalism of the demonstration, they tried to alleviate the situation, they besides did so gene. Joseph Haller presented in the movie as the main instigator. Just before the killing – Stanisław Głąbiński on behalf of the ZLN Club he interviewed Gabriel Narutovichwhich fell well and calmed the situation (Zdanowski writes about it).
So who organized demonstrations and excited people? These were "Development" social organisations Tadeusz DymowskiIt was young academics and combatants. They did it spontaneously, without inspiration from outside. Just read the memories Jan Pękosławski, later the creator of the alleged Polish Patriots' Ambulance to realize that this component was beyond any control of the ND, and in case Józef Piłsudski He threw the dictatorship's slogan – they would have supported him, not ND. In fact, Niewidowski himself was long-standing in Piłsudski, and he considered the endeks to be "softs".
Finally, the question of evaluation. First, practically all the crucial politicians of the ND condemned the crime and cut off from the Unknown, with whom they had no contact at the time, though they knew him from an earlier period erstwhile he brushed against the National League, but erstwhile he proposed to blow up Russian military transports in 1904, he was considered mad. According to Zdanowski's records, over time it was considered that for political reasons from the Unknown could not be completely cut off. So did Roman Dmowski. The reason for this was the attitude of the Unknown during the trial – and the increasing grassroots worship of his individual (about 10,000 people attended the funeral). However, a large part of the “old endeks” accepted this phenomenon with disapproval. Among them was Prof. Władysław Kopczyński, writing that Niewięcowski "wrong the nation, especially the national camp".
Jan Engelgard
Below is simply a fragment of Juliusz Zdanowski's December 1922 journal:
9 XII 1922, Saturday
Cold.
Loser! Witos, increasing up about his candidacy, whose hopes were unsettled by Korfanty, led us to the last minute. In the aftermath of the bitterness of Seyda and Korfanty, which was swarming, that Zamoyski's name would alternatively snatch a fewer votes from the leftist people who felt reluctant to Narutovich and from Witos dissatisfied with his fall, we went back unnecessarily Trzempczyński, withdrawing in the heat of the morning the decision was colded by me yesterday. Don't be, due to the fact that it was better to fall with Trumpczyński. It has come to light that I surely believed that club outsidership is an exception that cannot be accounted for.
16 XII 1922, Saturday
Rain.
In the atmosphere of tension and nervousness of the full week the bombing disaster. If individual wanted to come up with something to make things worse for us, they wouldn't find anything better. Last night, in a friendly conversation with Głąbinski Narutowicz, he gave clear assurances that in the event of difficulties in establishing the government he would renounce. And it is known that, contrary to half of the parliament, make an inconspicuous one. Grabski Wł[adislav] and Ponikowski, whom he proposed, besides demanded his resignation. So it was certain that he did not make a barrier of himself. On Friday evening, he sent a letter to Skirmunt, offering to make an office. It all worked out so that the assassination that took place seemed like a terrible outburst of average relationships. unusual are those left-wing people who accuse spiritual fatherhood of assassination. How would a man of forty - year - old and intelligent request journalism articles or gatherings for his purpose? It seems to these gentlemen that only organizationally can specified acts arise. They do not realize that despair for the destiny of a state and a nation can be an even stronger motor for individual action.
19 XII 1922, Tuesday
Snow.
A moody celebration. It was white, snow falling in large lobes, Belvedere close as if behind fog. The Belvedere Rondo is empty, surrounded only by a number of soldiers. Among the black burial apparatus, a red flag covering the coffin and a red cardinal figure and a long line of people coming out of the Belvedere courtyard. Music plays inactive Poland at the rate of mourning march, quiet, long. The snow is falling and that red spot! He forgets all the rage of those fewer days, all the hatred left-wing organs. And this full assassination thing looks more like a hell of a provocation. In Borgia's time, I'm certain you could put it on those. quibus prodes. Not us anyway.
20 XII 1922, Wednesday
After the announcement of the fresh national convention date, we again asked the Piast to consult on the joint election of the fresh president. Again, despite authoritative talks with the Left Piast did not want an authoritative conversation with us, and it is clear that either the Sejm needs to be resolved, or there must be a combination of 8 plus 1, as has already been expressed. Meanwhile, Piast has in her womb a “jay” of Belvedere, which binds it to the left. Witos is afraid of the split, and the another Masonic hawk stuck in his house, although they argue with that one, dares not openly fight against that one. And he's besides disgusted with us. These ligaments are inactive out of date until we scope a clear agreement with 1 of these hawks.
Juliusz Zdanowski
The 2 candidates Piast gave us, each of these groups represented. Sikorski, a possible counter-candidate of Wojciechowski, tried to make contact with us, but he did so much foolishness in the last days, and in order to gain the left, he committed so much harassment towards us that it was impossible for us to support him. 1 can enter into relations with specified a man, but 1 cannot introduce him to a position where he would become completely independent. It's easy for these guys to turn their heads. Where did this man abruptly come from even the courage to dream about the president? We'd get a second edition of a fabulous career with darkened ambition with eyes. The past of the last 8 years in Poland is the fight of the left with the right, with masonry under various names and companies in the center doing their careers. It's usually done by the left. I realize that it would be valuable to lead to the split-up of this company. Now that there is no clear political representation of this organization in the parliament, and its intermediate body is Piast, there will be no another advice as to how to effort to give this group any concessions, but it can only be given in the form that can be pronounced all time, and so that in any addiction this uncertain ally holds. If this fissure doesn't happen, our full parliament will go bankrupt. Piłsudski is just waiting for it. At the farewell dinner the court of flatterers calculated this anticipation for 4-6 months.
Or possibly Piłsudski was already reasoning about returning from the confusion. After Narutovich was killed, it is not known why he was immediately on the Council of Ministers, where he spoke and said: “There was so much accumulated electricity that the discharge had to take place. I thought it would hit me, it could hit you (he said to Darowski), it hit this innocent man.”
Four hours after the assassination, he was already Piłsudski chief of staff. This is the position he discussed for him with Zamoyski in the summertime of Szpotanski, erstwhile Zamoyski offered the presidency. Zamoyski reserving against Piłsudski's bossship, so he didn't get the presidency either, and Piłsudski jumped into the chief of staff at his first marriage. It besides turned out that the rooms in the building in Saski Square were already prepared, and on the day of Narutowicz's death the appointed Piłsudski had already moved to Saski Square. This man is doing very well.
23 XII 1922, Saturday
The sun, the warmth, the villa.
Yesterday before the departure, Głąbiński was invited to Wojciechowski. Wojciechowski pointed out that he wanted to talk to him first, that due to the fact that they had not known each another before he had to introduce himself. He started by saying he was a spiritual man, that he had not practiced, but now he will. He believes that the president and in this respect in the Catholic nation as Polish should set an example. Wojciechowski is determined that the nation must be a host in the country. Under conditions like his choice, the choice would not have been accepted the first time. Now he couldn't refuse, erstwhile it could be counted as fear, and the second that it would be a disrepute of the predecessor. For the future, it will aim to make a majority of Poland.
Since 1905, erstwhile socialism went on the way of the revolver, he broke up with him and stood distant from organization life. He had a long relationship with Piłsudski, but in many cases he differed with him and differed essentially. He considers it very crucial to build religion in our parliamentary society. He argues that among many Members he even sees a desire to resolve the parliament and an action already calculated on voters alternatively than reasoning about real work. In this respect, his position will be categorically marked. He admits that he is not mentally prepared adequate to take the position he has taken, and that in many times he will be able to follow his feelings, but he will want to be informed and perceive as accurately as possible. At the moment, it considers it the most crucial saving of state finances. Even before this substance enters the chambers, he would alternatively want to make it authoritative for a number of experts to agree on these matters, so that the substance is considered and not due to the external effect discussed.
29 XII 1922, Friday
Moisture.
During the holidays was Zygmunt Chrzanowski with Wojciechowski (they are in old friendship). Wojciechowski expressed his satisfaction with the conversation with Głąbiński and the satisfaction that the right hand treats him with any favour. He reiterated his message to Chrzanowski about his desire for the Polish majority and that he saw the request for cooperation between the centre and the right. He said that he had only a loose relation with the people, fundamentally considering the existence of a center wanting all the benefits of his importance to himself as a misfortune. All over the world, the extremes remain, and they better agree whether they fight or replace, as in the usage of imposed brokerage. About Piłsudski, he expressed that he had actually lost and that he knew his mistakes and would beware of them.
Sikorski left, considering it inappropriate to stay for a long time, on the vacation of the Sejm, the government in resignation. Wojciechowski wants to hold economical meetings all 2 weeks. He asks for the secretary of the referee to be delivered. Chrzanowski offered to be a Fisherman, and a younger individual could be taken to method work. As he left Wojciechowski, Chrzanowski came across Sikorski, whom Wojciechowski presented as his friend. Sikorski asked Wojciechowski immediately after whether Chrzanowski was there on call and whether he was offering him a portfolio of finance, due to the fact that he was about to offer him. The next day, he turned to Sigismund. Sigismund was rather amazed by this, due to the fact that the encounter from the business period remained alternatively a unpleasant memory, and Sikorski began not to know from where from the large expected sincerity that he only did that Piłsudski did not take advantage of the confusion for any assassination and limited himself to the temporary chief of the staff. He continued to impress Chrzanowski with a naive man playing with things he did not know. He's the best with projects with a long presidency in his office. He would like to leave Makowski as a grin on the left, Kiernik as a support from Piast, and Chrzanowski and Seyda would like to make contact with the right. He does not realize that in politics man is not a point, at least a plane. Chrzanowski refused, pending the settlement of the force. It is interesting and contrary to simple concepts going on, that there are frictions between Sikorski and Jastrzębski, who already wanted to leave the office and only the refusal of Chrzanowski caused the stay.
Today, I had a longer conversation with Sikorski about demanding the release of the 5 arrested participants in the protest with XII and demanding the abolition of the state. unusual roles changed that it is for the right hand [is] uncomfortable. Sikorski gave strong reactionary opinions about the necessity of hard governments, the decisive fight against Bolshevikism, and even with the direction he inactive sees in the methods of governing. He spoke in a strong tone, looking in our faces, if we like it. In half an hour, I'm convinced, possibly just as convincingly saying the other to the left. Looking at this young general, again with a "bary career", the many generals of the war, with whom I had frequently dealt, were reminded that spurs, epolets and spirts were the main elements of a wise government. He told me that Sikorski was going to talk to Seyda in Zakopane these 2 days.
31 XII 1922, Sunday
Spring.
A strong impression from the Unknown process. What a speech! He demands death for himself. "I want to pay my debt honestly". Our policy of compromise, calling his act madness, etc., looks ridiculous in this attitude. Something is squeezed in a man to think of the impression that this man must have had to experience, proceeding the words of the marshal quoted by the prosecutor. 30 years of socialists had a monopoly of martyrdom and large words cast about the future for which they shed blood. Now know that there are people who want to build and die for his ideas. In the face of judgment, the large indictment, directed at Piłsudski, will supply interesting fresh Year’s thinking. And what a delicious answer is the convict's speech to those left-wing people who cannot realize that individual is willing to die for the concept and perfect of Poland without a organization and party-organization order. And finally, this shot is simply a clear standing before the eyes that the state, government, political directions are not only maneuvers or art in theatre, but the very seriousness of life.
I remember 3 years ago erstwhile I wrote: 1 day there will be this man who will first argue evil, realizing that this is simply a evil that harms the essence of life, not the theatrical thought of it. That shot was fired. And we ourselves were not on heights to measure the importance of this moment. We broke the threads ourselves, which, in any case, tied the Unknowing to us. The simple peasant Janek Szczepański of Miechów felt so subtle the next day after the accident the situation, writing in a letter: “I feel guilty as if this crime was a crime, due to the fact that I do not consider it a crime.”
Think Poland, No. 51-52 (18-25.12.2022)
In the photo: president Stanisław Wojciechowski visits Silesia in 1923 (photo: Museum of independency in Warsaw)
