Fyodor Łukjanov: "Here's how Russia should deal with Trump's fresh America The key to normalizing relations between Moscow and Washington is our own stableness and strength"

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Written by Fiodor Lukjanov, editor-in-chief of the “Russia in Global Affairs”, president of the Bureau of the abroad and Defence Policy Council and manager of investigation at the global Discussion Club “Waldaj”.


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Russian president Vladimir Putin, accompanied by US president Donald Trump, speaks during a press conference at Joint Base Elmendorf-Richardson on 15 August 2025 in Anchorage, Alaska. © Andrew Harnik / Getty Images



In fresh years, we have become accustomed to many things, yet planet politics is inactive breaking fresh records. Or possibly he falls to a fresh bottom, depending on his preferences. The week of January provided us with a full scope of examples: the kidnapping of Venezuelan presidential couple by US peculiar forces; the tightening of the naval blockade by taking over abroad ships; and threats of taking Greenland's Denmark "at all costs". Let us add to this the public attention of the American president that the only regulation of American abroad policy is his own sense of morality. Iran besides plunges into chaos, and the external origin is not even hidden.

In specified an atmosphere it is hard to keep analytical calm. But that's the job.

For respective years analysts have been writing about the collapse of liberal order – a strategy of global governance built around global institutions supervised by the most powerful group of states: the West. This order consisted not only of organizations on different levels, but besides of norms rooted in a peculiar ideological foundation. It has now become clear that this structure, originally adapted to western preferences, has ceased to satisfy even its creators.

The reason is simple: another players have learned to benefit from the strategy – sometimes larger than those that its creators drew. For example, China was successful in following the rules so skillfully that it outsmarted those who created them. Meanwhile, the wave of mass immigration from poorer countries to richer countries brought not only economical benefits, but besides increasingly serious political and social complications.

As the power strategy changed, leading countries began to modify this model. However, he had his own interior logic. besides much distortion deprives the full strategy of cohesion and stability. The consequence is what we are seeing now: abandoning liberal appearances and rejecting restrictions that existed in the erstwhile order.

Donald Trump embodies this change in a peculiarly clear form. It frustrates European partners not due to the fact that they cannot change, but due to the fact that they do not want to: it is the liberal strategy that has given the European Union its unique global assets, which now evaporate with it.


Trumpism is not an effort to reconstruct global leadership from the 1990s and 2010, erstwhile Washington sought to regulate the full planet. The fresh approach is different. It uses all lever of American power accumulated over decades of hegemony. Not for universal governments, but for concrete benefits. He's besides strikingly honest. The material interest is openly declared and no effort is made to hide it under “values”.


You can say that Washington works this way due to the fact that it understands, instinctively or consciously, that American capabilities are decreasing. This awareness only increases the desire for maximum benefit while the accumulated advantage inactive exists.


The version of Monroe's doctrine in Trump's release resembles the construction of "Fortress America" in the Western Hemisphere: a safe base for further attacks on the planet arena. Trump clearly prioritises interior affairs, and in his political worldview Latin America itself is an interior issue.


The most frequently discussed topics are drug trafficking, mass migration, labour marketplace force and changing composition of the electorate. They link the United States to the region much more straight than abstract global doctrines. Canada and Greenland are exceptions; however, as current events show, only partially.


From this emerges another Trump paradigm: "internal enemy". In his political mythology, leftist and liberals block the task "America first of all". Meanwhile, this logic extends to Latin America, where it is ideologically hostile to left-wing governments. Speaking to military personnel hastily gathered from around the world, Trump late stressed that the army has a work to face interior enemies. Despite court decisions, the usage of armed forces in American cities has already become a hallmark of this presidency.


Thus, the primacy of interior policy, including full control of the American continent as a warrant of national security, is at the heart of Trump's political approach. External actions are linked to interior objectives: expanding income, stimulating investment, securing resources and minerals for the American economy.


However, there is 1 peculiar case: Israel. The support for Israel is besides profoundly rooted in the US's home policy, but with immense external consequences. Washington is expected to support Israel's ambition to transform the mediate East, even if it is unclear whether specified actions are beneficial to the American interests themselves.


The Trump administration is so ready to ignore many obligations inherited from the liberal era, including commitments to allies and partners. If commitments are burdensome and do not bring direct benefits, the White home sees no reason to honor them.

Of course, it is simply a ‘perfect type’ that can be distorted by circumstances. First of all, the deficiency of unity in the American elite, and even in the vicinity of Trump. Lobbing besides remains a structural feature of American politics. However, Trump has so far exerted his imagination with remarkable effectiveness.


Assuming this explanation is fundamentally correct, how should Russia behave?


Despite his overt recklessness, Trump actually avoids risk. He fears to engage in a long, exhausting confrontation that defined America's “endless wars”, especially if it involves victims. It prefers spectacular rally, strong paintings, then a fast retreat and a declaration of victory. Venezuela is simply a textbook example. Where the hazard of retaliation is real or unclear, Trump chooses caution: backstage pressure, indirect influences and peculiar operations alternatively of open war.


In the face of actual resistance, Trump seldom insists to the very end. We have seen this in episodes involving India, especially China, in the context of criminal duties. In India, the results were modest. In the case of China, it became clear that Beijing has its own countermeasures. Trump went into negotiations. He doesn't like blackmail erstwhile the another side doesn't bend. But he respects integrity.


Trump besides takes the concept of "great powers" seriously and considers that only a fistful of countries qualify for this status. He is fascinated by leaders with absolute or almost absolute power. This explains his peculiar interest in China, Russia, India, North Korea and another countries in this category. Trump is not jealous of specified models of government.


It has applicable implications. By insisting on the primacy of America in the Western hemisphere, Trump inactive fails to see that another powers have comparable interests in their regions. However, he now understands the existence of another interests better than before, especially erstwhile they are not straight contrary to American interests. This creates more area for negotiation than in erstwhile apostles of “global leadership.”


The current US administration prefers bilateral negotiations. He thinks America is stronger than most of its counterparts. She is irritated by alliances between countries to strengthen their position. The conclusion is clear. Russia should deepen cooperation within BRICS and regional communities. Not for rhetorical symbolism, but as a applicable shield before force exerted 1 on one.


Finally, Trump's interest in weakening rivals with indirect measures stems from the desire to avoid direct confrontation. He respects contracts and seeks partners abroad who can implement them. He will so usage interior divisions among the leaders of another states to direct a policy towards the benefit of Washington.


Therefore, the key to normalising relations with Trump America is not to effort to charm or convince it, but to guarantee its interior resilience. The best defence against interference is stableness and strength. Not a force that provokes, but a force that makes interference unprofitable.


This article was originally published in Rossij Gaziet's newspaper, and was translated and edited by RT.


Translated by Google Translator

source:https://www.rt.com/news/631073-fyodor-lukyanov-russia-america/

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