In the spring of 1919, Wielkopolska seemed to talk with 1 voice. The fullness of power in the region, which had just been liberated from the regulation of the German possessor in the victorious uprising, was in the hands of the Chief People's Council, in which the activists associated with the endeciation and the charade played a leading role. During this period Wielkopolska functioned almost as an autonomous state, independent of the government in Warsaw. The socialist press of that time even baptized her as “insubordinate Corfancy”, referring to the name of Wojciech Korfante, 1 of the NRL leaders.
The dominance of clerical and nationalist groups was firmly established in Wielkopolska. In consequence to the brutal Germanization among the Poles there developed a strong sense of national solidarity, and the Catholic politician Kulturkampfu aimed at the Church established its importance as a key component of national identity.
The large Polish left was peculiarly weak. The independent peasant movement was not developed on the influenced clergy and the village's origin. Marginal importance was the class-class labour movement, criticized for internationalism and cooperation with German socialists, allegedly agreeing with Polish interests. Its improvement was besides hampered by the circumstantial social structure of the region. Wielkopolska provided agricultural facilities for more industrialised areas in Germany. little was the mill proletariat, and more agricultural workers, naturally very dispersed, which was a serious obstacle erstwhile it came to gathering in the ranks of any organization.
The large Polish leaders responded very efficiently to revolutionary moods that intensified on Polish lands at the end of planet War I. By throwing any of the arguments out of the left hand, they convinced themselves that they were close to the ideals of equality and democracy. The German Reichstag endek Władysław Seyda assured in December 1918 that “new Poland will not shine so brightly with silver cones of knighthood nor with gold gated deli of senators as long as it will be People's Poland, in which all as free citizens will work for the common welfare of the nation. There will be no privileges in it, all will be equal. fresh Poland will not exclude anyone from rights or public employment."
Such slogans were usually preached in a general and vague form, so many different parties could sign up to them without much resistance. And erstwhile it was ordered to hold parliamentary elections in Wielkopolska on 1 June 1919 to elect Members of the Warsaw Legislative Sejm, almost all local right-wing groups and the centre decided to enter a coalition and issue a common list of candidates called the National organization Unity. From the beginning, the Committee was convinced that it would have no real competition and would collect all 42 parliamentary seats from the region.
In the territory of Mogilen, the elections were not held at all due to the fact that only ZSN candidates came in. In the remaining 3 districts on a bravado start against local rulers were decided by single independent candidates, and in the Poznań territory there was besides a list of alleged People's Party. Although this name may be associated with a well-known peasant party, Poznań SL was in fact a tiny local Catholic-conservative group, directed mainly at the urban population. In her pre-election appeal, confiscated by the Poznań police, she openly admitted that she would refrain from holding public rallies out of fear of attacking the Endeck militias.
Only the Polish Socialist organization decided to throw a bigger challenge. In the absence of a adequate number of candidates in each of the 3 districts, she was forced to issue identical lists, but the erstwhile Prime Minister Jędrzej Moraczewski, whose name was the company of social reforms carried out in Poland in the first weeks of independence, was the leader. For years he has been active in Galicia, but he was not exactly, as we would say today, an electoral “spadochronist”, due to the fact that he was born in Wielkopolska Trzemeszno. Behind his back was Tadeusz Matuszewski, the only left-wing councillor of Poznań, elected from the joint Polish-German committee, and the 3rd place on the list was taken by the toller Stanisław Wierbiński, a councillor from Gniezno.
The PPS announced that it was moving for the voter, "before throwing a list number at the ballot box, although for a minute he had to think that there were people who were rebelling against all this," which is what the authorities of Wielkopolska do. It is worth noting that in this region the demonstration of socialist convictions frequently constituted an act of individual courage. For this, harassment at work and even expulsion behind the border cordon threatened. During the Wielkopolska Uprising, for example, it could not be sold in Wielkopolska PPS press, due to the fact that according to the ruling right, it spread content "bolshevik and Jewish".
After the truce was concluded, these restrictions were somewhat relaxed, but the atmosphere around socialists did not change. On the occasion of the March local elections, Tadeusz Matuszewski accused local authorities of utilizing panic against the opposition, as well as the widespread abuse of the church in political combat.
PPS accused the ultimate People's Council that it deliberately separates the territory from the remainder of the country, that it is trying hard to detest the image of events in the erstwhile Kingdom of Poland and Galicia that it wants to instill "a territory patriotism" among the Greaterpolans. And all this to keep indivisible power and to proceed “to buy the people in a patriarchal way with booze and sausage, bringing them with ladder cars to the electoral period and to vote.”
Angrily in right-wing environments caused information that Jędrzej Moraczewski intends to organize public electoral rallies in Poznań. The letter “Progress” reminded us that the erstwhile Prime Minister had ruled “to the detriment of his own countrymen and to the benefit and comfort of Jews and Germans.” Now, for this, “he has fraternized with Matuszewski, who is known here as a traitor of Polishness and a servant of Scheidemann and Noske” (PPD politicians – ed.). Emphasizing the fact of cooperation between Polish and German socialists, “Progress” argued that “Muraczewski is not just a swindler, but equal to Matuszewski a swindler and a traitor.” Finally, he called for an attack on the PPS: “Our people do not know the jokes erstwhile it comes to the substance of their homeland. We do not urge trusting in parliamentary immunity. Stay distant from the traitors of Poznań! Let us effort to make it memorable.”
Prior to Moraczewski's 18 May speech in Willa Flora at present Grunwaldzka Street, a parish priest of 1 of the Poznań parishes called for a gathering “with good sticks”. respective 1000 right-wing supporters responded to akin calls. Moraczewski was able to talk in “Flor” only for 5 minutes, after which he was stifled by screams, singing and whistles. 1 of the participants of the countermanifest explained in the press that "Poznań refused to perceive to the erstwhile minister who wanted to sale his homeland to the Jews-bolsheviks, Russian or German, who would give more". Moraczewski was protected by police from a highly probable lynching, who forced him out of the room. "Red companions deservedly met science" – he enjoyed the next day "Diary Poznański".
Excesses repeated in the following days. On May 21, equipped with sticks and chairs, the Endeck militia attacked the PPS-owski rally in the Sub-Zanská Main. Organizers were beaten without even saving women. The police not only did not halt the attackers, but besides helped them catch the rally participants. On the same day there was besides an attack on the gathering of German socialists in Poznań. The attackers stormed into the area with the cry “Muraczewski has escaped us, you will get in”, after which they severely beat Ernst David, the speaker. On May 29, the Endeck militia first drove PPS-owski rally in Swarzędz, and then started demolishing shops and beating local Jews and Germans.
A tense atmosphere from Wielkopolska was besides felt in the parliament area in Warsaw. Let us quote the passages of the stenogram of 22 May with the evidence of the argument between Ignacy Daszyński and Wojciech Korfanty, which broke out after the right-wing MPs began to interrupt the PPS leader's speech:
Daszyński: “This is not a area in Poznań where my colleague, who wanted to stand in front of the voters, did not let you speak. This is the Polish Sejm.”
Korfanty: "Show me this speech in Poznań, they will show you."
Daszyński: “I do not advise you to show up in certain circles with your appearance.”
The fuel for the Endek propaganda was the attitude of German socialists who called on their countrymen to support the PPS list. In their electoral call, they wrote that "it is the work of all German to give a vote to those who defend the interests of the oppressed, and specified are the socialist representatives." At right-wing election rallies, 1 could hear shouts of outrage that having specified allies, Moraczewski had the nerve to appear in Poznań. It was suggested that his place was alternatively in the Netherlands, with the German Emperor Wilhelm II in exile there.
Another larum rose erstwhile Moraczewski dared personally to attend 1 of the meetings of German socialists and yet to talk to them in their native language. "What a pity that you cannot talk Yiddish. Perhaps, erstwhile he spoke to the Jews in their jargon, he would besides have won a certain number of votes?”
Anti-Semitism was another component constantly present in the run of the right. Poznań press warned readers that PPS was trying to mask its judaic face, due to the fact that it sent agitators to Wielkopolska, “keeping close that they did not have Semitic appearance”. In fact, the Jews attending socialist rallies were expected to hide their conventional challahs and dress in the navy for no reason.
A scrupulously fueled atmosphere of hatred, as well as repression by the local administration practically prevented PPS candidates from moving an election campaign. “ The political camps against us organized gangs of paid thugs who were ordered to brutally break up our raves in order to prevent us from agitating, ” says a protest submitted by the party. The police, the national defender and the military are besides active in this dirty work."
Czesław Porankiewicz, MPS electoral representative, himself severely beaten during an infamous rally in Main, wrote that the right-wing communities "organized real orgie Bolsheviks to ward us off from the Polish masses by terror, on the 1 hand, and on the another hand to throw panic at Jews and Germans to halt them from voting on our list." There were besides six 1000 electoral flyers confiscated during the run by the local police.
"They would like the Poznań people to free themselves from the problem of bugging electoral urns," wrote PPS-owski "Robotnik" – "God and Homeland, Unity and Consent are enough. Why think, man and individual of Poznań? There are those who will think for you.”
The election results were not surprising. The unification of the National Parties won over 97 percent of the votes and all the parliamentary seats belonging to Wielkopolska. In any places voters presented incredible unanimity. In the districts of Grodziski and Krotoszynski the candidates of the ZSN gained support exceeding 99.9%, and in the territory of Wschów all 2993 votes were cast there.
The Socialists did their best in Poznań, where they obtained over 7 percent of the vote. The list terrorized by the People's organization endeks won only 1 percent of support in its district. Regardless of the usage of force against the opposition or the taking of freedom of speech and freedom of assembly, the dominance of the right in the region was not disputed.
Two days after the election, the writer Zygmunt Kisielewski welcomed in a perverse way the recently elected MPs from Wielkopolska, convincing that they were representatives of the old and unjust but falling world. "We hope not to burn that shortly your place will be taken by representatives of a peasant and individual from Poznań, who matures more socially than you would want."
The PPS accounts were overly optimistic. Wielkopolska remained a bastion of the right. Until the fall of the Second Polish Socialist Party, no parliamentary mandate was obtained in this area. And especially hated by local endeks Tadeusz Matuszewski was even yet elected as a associate of the Sejm, only after he moved to Bydgoszcz from Poznań.
